Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture

Vallely, Anne; Carrier, James G.

doi:10.2307/25606068

Cited by 6 publications

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“…But marketing professionals do perform systematic, if competing, work on this retail terrain. Markets are neither pure abstractions nor the natural product of the human propensity to truck, barter, and exchange as Adam Smith would have it (Carrier 1997). They are fashioned, designed, and grown rather than found.…”

Section: Fashioning Infr Astructures Forging Market Smentioning

confidence: 99%

Romancing "Yesenia" How a Mexican Melodrama Shaped Global Popular Culture

Salazkina

2024

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Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (Welker 2018), and developed some of Kretek Capitalism's arguments in an article in Comparative Studies in Society and History (Welker 2021).I appreciate the unwavering support of my mother, Ann Welker, and my sisters Renata Welker and Carla Shumaker. I am especially grateful to my partner, Paul Nadasdy, and our children, Zoli and Andor, for accompanying me on this long journey and making each day special. spice (manis, pedas), and, especially in the case of the hand-rolled kretek and its smoke, qualities of thickness and heaviness (tebal, berat). The white cigarette, by contrast, is bland, tasteless, and light (rasa tawar, enteng) and tends to disappear quickly; once lit, the wind stealthily consumes it even if it's not actively smoked. A white cigarette takes about five minutes to smoke, compared to ten minutes for a machine-rolled kretek and a half-hour time commitment for a hand-rolled kretek. The latter weigh two grams, whereas machine-rolled cigarettes weigh a single gram or less. This book asks how kretek capitalism-understood as the accumulation of capital through the making, exchange, and consumption of clove cigarettes-enlists Indonesians to labor on its behalf in fields and factories, at retail outlets and social gatherings, and online. I focus on the efforts of Sampoerna, a Philip Morris International (PMI) subsidiary that claimed about one third of the Indonesian cigarette market during the 2010s. Kretek Capitalism charts how Sampoerna uses contracts, gamification, self-improvement logics, and class, gender, and age hierarchies to extract overtime, shift, seasonal, gig, and unpaid labor from workers, influencers, artists, students, retailers, and consumers.By centering labor, I develop an account of kretek capitalism that acknowledges but goes beyond the addictive hold of nicotine over individual smokers. Scientists have found that tobacco is harder to quit than alcohol, cocaine, and opiates, underscoring the lively and agentive potential of plants and their significant role in shaping human life (Bennett 2010; Galvin 2018; Langwick 2021; Myers 2017; Russell 2019). The younger a person is when they start using tobacco, the more likely they are to become addicted. Adolescent nicotine exposure disrupts normal brain development, changing how synapses are formed and harming the brain's capacity for attention and learning. Scientists have explicated the physiological mechanisms through which nicotine is absorbed, moving from the lungs into the blood and altering the chemistry of the brain and central nervous system by flooding the brain's reward circuits with dopamine and sparking an adrenaline rush that increases heart rate and raises blood pressure. 3 This kind of universal biochemical rendering of nicotine addiction is critical but insufficient to understanding kretek capitalism because it rests on an individualizing, internalizing, and often pathologizing logic that neglects "broader Marlboro Red Machine-rolled white 495 FF premium 13 1 Marlboro Black Men...

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Section: Fashioning Infr Astructures Forging Market Smentioning

confidence: 99%

Romancing "Yesenia" How a Mexican Melodrama Shaped Global Popular Culture

Salazkina

2024

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“…In a rare article that directly tackles the topic, Colloredo‐Mansfeld examines (neo)liberalized artisanal economies in Ecuador, and argues that ‘[c]ompetition is better understood as a vital relationship among competitors than as discrete acts of identification of winners and losers’ (2002: 114). Competition is one of the key ideologies that promotes (neoliberal) capitalism, primarily through organization (or imposition) of markets (Carrier 1997), although, according to neoliberal doctrine, the markets need to be actively regulated in order to render competition ‘beneficial’ and ‘fair’ (Hayek, quoted in Gershon 2011: 541). Opening up places to markets does not necessarily create atomized individualistic subjects focused on efficiency, performance, and self‐improvement (Ferguson 2010; Okura Gagné 2020), but it certainly creates new situations in which people subjected (or drawn) to the market need to negotiate between the demands of the competitive market and the demands of ‘moral economies’ (J.C. Scott 1976) in which they continue to be immersed.…”

Section: Figurementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Claims to moral and ethical reasoning can be powerful tools for transnational governmentality (Fassin 2011), as well as for tacit or explicit imposition of neoliberal versions of values like integrity, responsibility, and self‐improvement (Trnka & Trundle 2017 b ; Zigon 2011). States and international organizations can thus most effectively impart the ideology of competition when it is framed as a moral good (Carrier 1997; Colloredo‐Mansfeld 2002). In the athletics world of Iten, a notion of fair competition in particular was strongly promoted as a morally appropriate disposition for athletes.…”

Section: Doping: Fair Competition As a Moral Goodmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘A place for training, not for competition’: negotiations of competition and agency among long‐distance runners in Kenya

Kovač

2023

Royal Anthropological Inst

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Kenyan long‐distance runners have for decades famously dominated international athletic competitions. Most of the aspiring runners live and train in the highlands of northwest Kenya, in Elgeyo Marakwet County, where they have access to competitive peer groups of budding athletes and an elaborate infrastructure of camps, coaches, and managers. The most promising and successful ones travel abroad to take part in international races, only to quickly return and continue training in the ‘county of champions’. Meanwhile, Kenya is undergoing a rapid transformation, envisioned by the government's development plan, which promises to transform it into a ‘globally competitive and prosperous country’. On the surface, competition is a self‐explanatory notion that drives the transnational sports industry and the state's development plan. However, ethnography of the county's capital, Iten, and its community of athletes reveals tensions: Kenyans take up, negotiate, appropriate, and challenge meanings of competition offered by the state and the sports industry on ecological, gendered, and moral grounds. Ethnography of ideologies of competition in Iten, conceptualized as moral, aesthetic, and gendered projects, complicates accounts of competition as a tool for global neoliberal governance. It also provides an alternative to analyses of African subjects’ agency in global circulation of capital, people, and ideas, namely analyses subsumed under signs of marginality, dependence, and subjection.

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“…The separation of market as a principle from market as a place reflects processes through which the social and the economic are imagined and investigated as separate domains. This view is countered by a growing body of work, to which the papers in this issue contribute, which demonstrates the inextricable entanglement of the social and the economic, to the extent ‘the two cannot be clearly separated, either conceptually or empirically’ (Carrier :28, also see Bestor ; Callon ; Carrier , ; Curry ; Dilley ; Granovetter and Swedberg ; Gudeman , ; Lee ; McCormack and Barclay ). The marketplaces in this volume are not spatial manifestations of market models promulgated by economists.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Marketplaces and Morality in Papua New Guinea: Place, Personhood and Exchange

Busse

Sharp

2019

Oceania

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In Papua New Guinea (PNG) more rural people, and especially rural women, earn cash from selling in marketplaces than from any other source. PNG's marketplaces are critical for food security, and for the redistribution of wealth. They are also important meeting places where people gather to see friends, hear the latest news, attend court cases, play cards and be entertained. This introduction to this special issue on ‘Marketplaces and Morality in Papua New Guinea’ reviews the history of PNG marketplaces and their contemporary forms. It charts their transformation from introduced colonial spaces into dynamic Melanesian places, which, as places to buy, sell and socialise, have become pervasive institutions in the lives of both urban and rural Papua New Guineans, and places where people interact with both known and unknown others. From this, marketplaces emerge as important spaces of moral evaluation and contestation in relation to what constitutes morally acceptable exchange and what practices are acceptable in these places. The paper demonstrates that exchange in the marketplace should not be reduced to commodity transactions, and questions assumptions about the types of people marketplaces create. It argues that the country's marketplaces are productive sites to consider ideas of exchange, social relations and social personhood, and that there is a critical need to understand the concrete details of what takes place in contemporary marketplaces.

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Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Romancing "Yesenia" How a Mexican Melodrama Shaped Global Popular Culture

Romancing "Yesenia" How a Mexican Melodrama Shaped Global Popular Culture

‘A place for training, not for competition’: negotiations of competition and agency among long‐distance runners in Kenya

Marketplaces and Morality in Papua New Guinea: Place, Personhood and Exchange

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