Measuring Feminist Consciousness

Cook, Elizabeth Adell

doi:10.1300/j014v09n03_04

Cited by 60 publications

(24 citation statements)

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“…Our measure of feminism, following Conover (1988) and Cook (1989), combines feminist self-identification with feelings toward the women's movement. 3 The women contributors to EMILY's List are significantly more feminist than both EMILY's men and WISH women, as can be seen in Table 1.…”

Section: Feminism and Women's Rightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender, Feminism, and Partisanship among Women's PAC Contributors

Day¹,

Hadley²,

Brown³

2001

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective. We examine the political attitudes and priorities of contributors to two prominent women's PACs for evidence of a gender gap. Methods. A survey of contributors to EMILY's List and to WISH List shows that contributors to both organizations are overwhelmingly women. However, because EMILY's List is so large, there is a sufficient number of men to compare to the two groups of women using percentages and difference-of-means tests. Results. Partisanship is the overriding influence on political priorities and attitudes toward economic and social welfare policy. However, partisanship and gender interact to influence political attitudes in at least two areas. First, EMILY's List men are more supportive of militarism and use of force than are EMILY's List women, but they are less supportive than WISH List women. Second, the women of EMILY's List are more staunchly feminist than either EMILY's List men or WISH List women. Conclusions. We conclude that the source of each group's financial commitment to women's political equality and reproductive rights is different: for EMILY's List women, it is liberal feminism; for WISH List women, it is libertarianism; and for EMILY's List men, it is general egalitarianism.American women remain underrepresented among elected officials and major political contributors even as the gender gap in voter turnout has closed. Less than 14 percent of the U.S. Congress, for example, is female, and in 1996 only 23 percent of individuals who contributed more than $200 to congressional candidates were women (Green et al., 1999). At the same time, women's representation in government has expanded, in no small part because of the fundraising efforts of women's political action committees (

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Section: Feminism and Women's Rightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender, Feminism, and Partisanship among Women's PAC Contributors

Day¹,

Hadley²,

Brown³

2001

Social Science Quarterly

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“…Most of our theories about feminist attitudes originate from American studies, which for many years, have revolved around the central concept of 'feminist consciousness' or 'gender consciousness'. (Miller et al 1981;Klein 1984 andGurin 1985;Katzenstein 1987;Miller et al 1988;Conover 1988;Cook 1989). Gender consciousness 'is understood as women's beliefs that they are less powerful than men as a group and are accorded fewer resources, that this inequality is illegitimate, and that they should engage in some form of collective action' (Sapiro 1991: 14).…”

Section: Theories About Feminist Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The general impression is that feminist attitudes and gender consciousness have continued to grow, and that the politicization of gender issues has also increased. (Wilkins & Miller 1985;Gurin 1985;Katzenstein 1987;Klein 1987;Miller et al 1988;Cook 1989;Carroll 1989;Simon & Landis 1989;Sapiro 1991).…”

Section: Theories About Feminist Attitudesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Feminist attitudes in times of depoliticization of women's issues

Togeby

1995

European J Political Res

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Abstract. Based on data from Denmark from the end of the 1970s and 1980s the paper analyzes the development of feminist attitudes during a period characterized, on the one hand, by a high, and still growing, integration of women into the labour market and political life, and on the other, by an organizational decline of the women's movement and a decline in the politicization of women's issues. At the end of the 1970s, feminist attitudes, especially among women, were unidimensionally structured and closely related to other political factors. The most feminist were the young, the well‐educated, the politically interested, and left‐wing women. At the end of the 1980s, feminist attitudes were at the same level as ten years before, but different dimensions had emerged, a social and political dispersion of feminist attitudes had taken place, and feminism no longer influenced political behaviour. In many respects, the experience of the United States in the 1970s was reversed in Denmark in the 1980s.

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“…Pourtant, aucune élue n'a justifié sa position en s'identifiant elle-même à ce groupe socialement minoritaire et ce, probablement parce qu'elles n'ont pas idée d'y appartenir en propre. Gurin (1985) et Cook (1989) ont élaboré un instrument de mesure qui permet de saisir le niveau de conscience que l'on a d'appartenir à une catégorie sociale. Cet instrument -qui s'articule autour de la notion de « conscience de groupe » -comporte quatre constituantes : l'action collective, le mécontentement, la perception des disparités comme légitimes ou non, et l'identification.…”

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Les femmes et la représentation politique vues par des députées et députés du Québec

Tremblay¹,

Pelletier²

2005

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L'objectif de cet article est d'analyser les perceptions du personnel politique québécois en ce qui a trait à l'idée d'une représentation politique des femmes. Nous avons interrogé 24 femmes et 24 hommes représentant le Québec à l'Assemblée nationale du Québec et à la Chambre des communes du Canada afin, d'une part, d'obtenir leur opinion à ce sujet et, d'autre part, de déterminer si les femmes et les hommes recouraient aux mêmes arguments pour justifier leur opinion. Il ressort qu'une nette majorité des législatrices se reconnaissent une responsabilité particulière par rapport à la population féminine, rôle qu'une majorité des législateurs leur refusent. La moitié des répondantes appuient leur position en évoquant le statut de groupe minoritaire des femmes, alors qu'un nombre identique de députés prônent plutôt une conception de la représentation politique qui ne peut s'accommoder de particularisme.The aim of this article is to analyse the preceptions of Québec Parliamentarians with regard to the idea that female legislators have the responsibility to represent women. We interviewed 24 female and 24 male members of the Québec National Assembly and representatives of the Province of Québec in the Canadian House of Commons, in order to determine if they agree with such an idea and whether women and men use the same arguments to justify their point of view. It appears that a clear majority of female legislators recognize their particular responsibility to women; at the same time, a majority of male legislators disagree that their female colleagues have the responsibility to take on such a role. Half of the female respondents reinforce their position by arguing that women represent a social minority, while the same number of male respondents advocate a conception of political representation that does not accomodate distinct social identities along gender lines

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Measuring Feminist Consciousness

Cited by 60 publications

References 0 publications

Gender, Feminism, and Partisanship among Women's PAC Contributors

Gender, Feminism, and Partisanship among Women's PAC Contributors

Feminist attitudes in times of depoliticization of women's issues

Les femmes et la représentation politique vues par des députées et députés du Québec

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