Measuring Violations of Human Rights Standards

Gibney, Mark; Cornett, Linda; Haschke, Peter; Wood, Reed M.; Arnon, Daniel I.

doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.23

Cited by 43 publications

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“…We test these hypotheses by combining regime‐type data from Cheibub et al () and Geddes et al () and using three different measures of repression: the CIRI Physical Integrity Rights Index (Cingranelli et al ), the Political Terror Scales (Gibney et al ), and the Freedom House Civil Liberties index. To further underscore the relevance of our theoretical results for the real world, we apply the model to explain the variations in state response to dissent in East European communist regimes in the late 1980s.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As a second measure of repression we use the Political Terror Scales (Gibney et al ). For each country‐year, they assign values on a 5‐point ordinal scale.…”

Section: Data and Empiricsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We test these hypotheses, using three different measures of repression: the Cingranelli‐Richards (CIRI) Physical Integrity Rights Index (Cingranelli et al ), the Political Terror Scales (Gibney et al ), and Freedom House's Civil Liberties Index (Freedom House ). The main independent variable is the ratio of the young to the old.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Youth, Revolution, and Repression

Shadmehr

Haschke

2015

Economic Inquiry

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We develop a simple model to study the effect of age structure on the interactions between the state and dissidents. Younger populations are more prone to protest. As the population grows younger, states that can discriminately target repression to different groups, but cannot concede discriminately, decrease repression. In contrast, states that can target concession, but not repression, increase repression. We test these results in nonmilitary single-party regimes and military regimes without political parties. Moreover, we study state response to dissent in East European communist regimes in the late 1980s, showing that state response was more repressive in countries with younger populations. (JEL D74)

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As a second measure of repression we use the Political Terror Scales (Gibney et al ). For each country‐year, they assign values on a 5‐point ordinal scale.…”

Section: Data and Empiricsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Youth, Revolution, and Repression

Shadmehr

Haschke

2015

Economic Inquiry

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“…If, during armed conflict, the police played a role as perpetrator of human rights violations, rebels should be more likely to urge a government to include police reform provisions in peace agreements. We combine data from the PRPA dataset and the Political Terror Scale (PTS) to explore variations in political terror across post-conflict cases (Gibney et al, 2015). We calculate a five-year average PTS score prior to an agreement.…”

Section: Explaining Police Reform In Peace Agreementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Police reforms in peace agreements, 1975–2011

Ansorg

Haaß

Strasheim

2016

Journal of Peace Research

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This article presents new data on provisions for police reform in peace agreements (PRPA) between 1975 and 2011. The PRPA dataset complements past research on the determinants and effects of specific terms in agreements with detailed data on police reform provisions. The PRPA dataset also adds a quantitative dimension to the thus far largely qualitative literature on post-conflict security sector reform (SSR). It includes information on six subtypes of police reform: capacity, training, human rights standards, accountability, force composition, and international training and monitoring. We show that there is currently a high global demand for the regulation of police reform through peace agreements: police reform provisions are now more regularly included in agreements than settlement terms that call for power-sharing or elections. We observe interesting variations in the inclusion of police reform provisions in relation to past human rights violations, regime type, or the scope of international peacekeeping prior to negotiations, and illustrate the implications of police reform provisions for the duration of post-conflict peace. Finally, we stimulate ideas on how scholars and policymakers can use the PRPA dataset in future to study new questions on postconflict police reform.

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“… 116. The Political Terror Scale (PTS) and the Cingranelli-Richards (CIRI) Human Rights Dataset. See Gibney et al 2011; and Cingranelli 2010. …”

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confidence: 99%

Human Rights Prosecutions and Autocratic Survival

Escribà‐Folch¹,

Wright²

2015

Int Org

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Do human rights prosecutions deter dictatorships from relinquishing power? Advances in the study of human rights show that prosecutions reduce repression in transition countries. However, prosecuting officials for past crimes may jeopardize the prospects of regime change in countries that have not transitioned, namely dictatorships. The creation of the International Criminal Court has further revitalized this debate. This article assesses how human rights prosecutions influence autocratic regime change in neighboring dictatorships. We argue that when dictators and their elite supporters can preserve their interests after a regime transition, human rights prosecutions are less likely to deter them from leaving power. Using personalist dictatorship as a proxy for weak institutional guarantees of posttransition power, the evidence indicates that these regimes are less likely to democratize when their neighbors prosecute human rights abusers. In other dictatorships, however, neighbor prosecutions do not deter regimes from democratizing.

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Measuring Violations of Human Rights Standards

Cited by 43 publications

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Youth, Revolution, and Repression

Youth, Revolution, and Repression

Police reforms in peace agreements, 1975–2011

Human Rights Prosecutions and Autocratic Survival

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