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In an attempt to evaluate how widows of various ages adapt sexually to loss of a marital partner, 100 relatively healthy, community-dwelling widows between the ages of 40 and 89 completed a reliable 101-item questionnaire which evaluated three major areas: 1) barriers to sexual expression posed by age-related changes in body image, mood state and environmental context; 2) degree of unhappiness associated with loss of various marriage-oriented activities; and 3) perceived utility of various activities which indirectly might satisfy sexual and affectional needs. Controlling for income, education, heterosocial involvement, and family contact, and using level of morale and depression as corroborative measures, results showed specific age differences across variables assessed. In particular, younger widows, when compared with their older counterparts, viewed changes in body image, the dearth of unattached men, and limited financial resources for social activities as representing significant sexual barriers. Increasing age of the widow was associated with lower unhappiness ratings with loss of marriage-related activities. For the sample as a whole, greater unhappiness was expressed with the loss of nonsexual, heterosocial activity (e.g., conversation with a man, going places with a man). Results also indicated that, regardless of the widow's age, activities pertaining to her children and grandchildren, wearing attractive clothing, and expressing her spirituality are all effective in meeting affectional and sexual needs. Results are discussed within the context of older female sexuality, affectional adaptation to widowhood, and therapeutic implications directed at this neglected group.
In an attempt to evaluate how widows of various ages adapt sexually to loss of a marital partner, 100 relatively healthy, community-dwelling widows between the ages of 40 and 89 completed a reliable 101-item questionnaire which evaluated three major areas: 1) barriers to sexual expression posed by age-related changes in body image, mood state and environmental context; 2) degree of unhappiness associated with loss of various marriage-oriented activities; and 3) perceived utility of various activities which indirectly might satisfy sexual and affectional needs. Controlling for income, education, heterosocial involvement, and family contact, and using level of morale and depression as corroborative measures, results showed specific age differences across variables assessed. In particular, younger widows, when compared with their older counterparts, viewed changes in body image, the dearth of unattached men, and limited financial resources for social activities as representing significant sexual barriers. Increasing age of the widow was associated with lower unhappiness ratings with loss of marriage-related activities. For the sample as a whole, greater unhappiness was expressed with the loss of nonsexual, heterosocial activity (e.g., conversation with a man, going places with a man). Results also indicated that, regardless of the widow's age, activities pertaining to her children and grandchildren, wearing attractive clothing, and expressing her spirituality are all effective in meeting affectional and sexual needs. Results are discussed within the context of older female sexuality, affectional adaptation to widowhood, and therapeutic implications directed at this neglected group.
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