Mental Health Outcomes

Bickman, Leonard; Guthrie, Pamela R.; Foster, E. Michael; Lambert, E. Warren; Summerfelt, Wm. Thomas; Breda, Carolyn S.; Heflinger, Craig Anne

doi:10.1007/978-1-4899-1071-4_6

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…A related issue regarding measures of functioning has to do with sensitivity to change (Canino et al 1999). Some research suggests that improvement on measures of functioning may lag behind improvement on measures of symptoms (Bickman et al 1999), so it may be that improvement in functioning following a time-limited treatment should also reflect a more rigorous standard of evidence than symptom reduction. Certainly, our ability to make inferences about the potential for treatments to achieve their intended social impact is limited by the measurement precision within the field, an issue that should improve over time as measurement of functioning becomes better understood and operationalized.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Although long-term efficacy may be an important piece of information considered within clinical decision-making, there are too few follow-up studies of treatments to be synthesized using the present approach at this time, but it is certainly the case that this framework could be applied to follow-up studies as that literature grows. Additionally, follow-up studies may enhance the opportunity for treatments to achieve empirical support based on functioning (when such measures are administered in a study) because it may be the case that improvements in functioning lag behind symptom reduction (Bickman et al 1999).…”

Section: Limitationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Improvement in Symptoms Versus Functioning: How Do Our Best Treatments Measure Up?

Becker

Chorpita²,

Daleiden

2011

Adm Policy Ment Health

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We examined the effects of redefining standards of evidence for treatments targeting childhood mental health problems by expanding outcomes beyond symptom reduction to include functioning. Over 750 treatment protocols from 435 randomized controlled trials were rated based on empirical evidence. Nearly two-thirds (63.9%) demonstrated at least a minimum level of evidence for reducing symptoms; however, only 18.8% of treatments demonstrated evidence for reducing functional impairment. Of those treatments with empirical support for symptom reduction, the majority did not demonstrate empirical support for improvement in functioning because measures of functioning were not included in the studies in which these treatments were tested. However, even when measures of functioning were included, it was much more difficult for treatments to achieve improvement. Among treatments that achieved improvement in functioning, the most notable were Collaborative Problem Solving for disruptive behavior and Cognitive Behavioral Therapy plus Medication for traumatic stress because they demonstrated no support for symptom reduction but good support for improvement in functioning. Results are discussed within the context of evaluating the standards of evidence for treatments and the opportunity to move towards a multidimensional framework whose utility has the potential to exceed the sum of its parts.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: Limitationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Improvement in Symptoms Versus Functioning: How Do Our Best Treatments Measure Up?

Becker

Chorpita²,

Daleiden

2011

Adm Policy Ment Health

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Some data from the Fort Bragg study (Bickman, 1996) have addressed what clinicians know about these immediate outcomes . Bickman and Lambert (1999) asked clinicians to rate how much improvement there had been in their clients over the past six months and compared this with the improvement shown on baseline and follow-up data collected six months apart using several standardized instruments. In a multi-trait, multi-method analytic approach, we found no relationship between the clinicians' ratings of improvement and the changes shown in the standardized instruments.…”

Section: Myth 1: We Can Depend On Experienced Clinicians To Deliver E...mentioning

confidence: 99%

1998-1999 award winners.

1999

American Psychologist

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He changed the way we look at everyday life. For his innovative approach to methodology: He showed that experiments can be audacious, precise, imaginative, and impactful. For the dynamic clarity of his writing and teaching: He inspired students to love and appreciate social psychology. For his achievements in applying social psychological wisdom to the areas of energy use, AIDS prevention, and prejudice reduction: He improved the lives of countless people. Elliot Aronson's vision of social psychology as a rigorous science in the service of humanity stands as a beacon for generations of scientists to come." BiographyElliot Aronson grew up in the poor, working-class town of Revere, Massachusetts, in the 1930s and 1940s. His was the only Jewish family in a virulently anti-Semitic neighborhood. At dusk, walking home from Hebrew school, he was occasionally roughed up by gangs of tough guys shouting anti-Semitic epithets. One of his earliest vivid memories involves sitting on the curb at age 9, nursing a bloody nose and a split lip, wondering how it was that these kids could hate him so much. They didn't even know him! Were they born hating Jews or did that kind of hatred have to be taught? If they got to know him better, would they like him a little more? If they liked him more, would they hate other Jews less? He didn't realize it at the time, but those were profound social psychological questions.Years later, as an indifferent high school student, Aronson astonished his teachers (and himself) with a very high score on the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT). Brandeis University had recently opened its doors and, perhaps because of its newness, took a huge risk by allowing his SAT score to override his poor grades and offering him a work-study scholarship. Without that scholarship, he never would have been able to attend college.Aronson began his college career as an economics major, solely because his father, an uneducated factory worker who had recently died, firmly believed in the value of a college education as a ticket to financial security. That changed one day when Aronson found himself following a pretty young woman into her class, hoping to continue the conversation they'd begun in the coffee shop. The class was Introductory Psychology, and the lecture that day concerned prejudice. Lo and behold, the professor was raising the same questions Aronson had been asking himself as a young boy sitting on the curb. For the first time, he realized that there was an entire science devoted to asking such questions. He switched his major to psychology that same day. The teacher of that class was Abraham Maslow.This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.Receiving an award for a lifetime of scientific dabbling provides me with a powerful impetus (as well as a wonderful excuse) to look over my shoulder, as it were, at some 40 years of my own experiments to ...

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Exposure to interpersonal violence and its associations with psychiatric morbidity in a U.S. national sample: A gender comparison.

Iverson

Dick

McLaughlin

et al. 2013

Psychology of Violence

135

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Objectives We examine gender differences in population rates of various types of interpersonal violence in a U.S. national sample and investigate gender as a moderator of the associations between interpersonal violence and lifetime mental disorders and suicide attempts. Methods Data were drawn from the National Comorbidity Survey-Replication study; 5,692 women and men completed interviews assessing lifetime exposure to nine types of interpersonal violence, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (DSM–IV) mental health diagnoses, and suicide attempts. Results Approximately 46% of women and 42% of men reported one or more types of interpersonal violence. Women were more likely to experience kidnapping, physical assault by an intimate partner, rape, sexual assault, and stalking, whereas men were more likely to experience mugging or physical assault by someone other than parents or an intimate partner. Interpersonal violence was associated with risk for many mental disorders and attempted suicide. Although women were at higher risk for several forms of interpersonal violence, the impact of interpersonal violence on mental health outcomes did not vary by gender. Conclusions It is clearly important to identify and provide mental health treatment to women after interpersonal violence exposure. Findings also underscore the need for prevention and intervention efforts for women and men, including routine screening for interpersonal violence by health care providers and appropriate treatment to address mental health conditions.

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Mental Health Outcomes

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Improvement in Symptoms Versus Functioning: How Do Our Best Treatments Measure Up?

Improvement in Symptoms Versus Functioning: How Do Our Best Treatments Measure Up?

1998-1999 award winners.

Exposure to interpersonal violence and its associations with psychiatric morbidity in a U.S. national sample: A gender comparison.

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