Mesoclisis in the imperative: Phonology, morphology or syntax?

Manzini, M. Rita; Savoia, Leonardo M.

doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2011.02.002

Cited by 22 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…We have argued elsewhere (Manzini and Savoia 2005, 2008a, 2011a) that reasons of simplicity and restrictiveness of the theory suggest this move; in particular the morphological component is redundant with the syntactic component (at least with respect to the Merge rule) while it enriches it by introducing other rules, for instance Impoverishment, i.e. a deletion rule which unlike syntactic deletion rules, is not constrained by Recoverability.…”

Section: Italo-albanian Dialects) Shkodër Falls Into the Geg Groupmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…It should be noted that Kayne s (2006Kayne s ( , 2008 proposal about silent categories is in fact a promotion of zero morphology into the syntax, since under his account any functional head may be abstract. As far as we can tell, while Kayne is aware of the restrictiveness problem, he has no solution to it (Manzini and Savoia 2008a, 2010a, 2011a, Savoia and Manzini 2010). …”

Section: Italo-albanian Dialects) Shkodër Falls Into the Geg Groupmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Reducing ‘case’ to denotational primitives

Manzini

Savoia

2011

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The nominal inflection system of Albanian includes specifications of case, definiteness, number and nominal class (gender). Our analysis recognizes three types of properties as theoretically relevant, namely N(ominal class), Q(quantification), D(efiniteness). Q inflections are responsible for the socalled oblique case effectively a dyadic operator yielding a zonal inclusion (possession) relation between the element to which it attaches and the internal argument of the verb (dative) or the head of a noun phrase (genitive). Q inflections are further responsible for plurality, while N inflections satisfy argument-of contexts (accusative) and D characterizes EPP contexts (nominative).Syncretisms (e.g. of dative and genitive, nominative and accusative) are not the result of morphological rules requiring Late Insertion of exponents (Distributed Morphology). Rather they are instances of ambiguity, resolved in the syntax (different embeddings) or at the interpretive interface. As such they are compatible with projection of the morphosyntax from lexical entries. KeywordsCase, nominative, accusative, oblique, syncretism, nominal class, plural, definiteness, possessor, locative. Empirical and theoretical backgroundSome difficulties attach to the notion of case in minimalist theory; for instance, for Chomsky (1995) case is uninterpretable on both the probe and the goal, unlike other features that are interpretable at least on the goal. These difficulties are caused by the fact that while bona fide features correspond to inherent properties of certain lexical items (e.g. phi-features correspond to referential properties of nouns), the traditional notion of case is relational in nature. This makes it ill-suited to feature status, more or less as argued by Chomsky (1995) for theta-roles. More recent minimalist literature, explicitly or implicitly, recognizes these difficulties and correspondingly attempts a reduction of case to phi-feature checking (Chomsky 2001(Chomsky , 2008, to T feature relations Torrego 2004, 2008), or in general to independently motivated relations of grammar.We pursue the same general line of research, of reducing case to independently established The article is articulated into three sections. In section 1 we lay out the background to our discussion, including the empirical evidence, some relevant literature, and preliminary analyses of non-case inflections (also in section 2.1). Section 2 presents the analysis of the basic case system of Albanian, including nominative, accusative and oblique. In section 3 we discuss further refinements, namely prepositional contexts, the ablative case and genitive contexts. Nominal paradigms in the Geg Albanian variety of Shkodër.Albanian varieties have a definite and an indefinite noun declension. The singular declension in the variety of Shkodër is illustrated in (1)-(4); the indefinite is exemplified in (a) and the definite in (b).We generally exemplify four lexical bases, namely vajz girl , msus-E teacher (feminine) , burr man and dial boy . The nom...

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Section: Italo-albanian Dialects) Shkodër Falls Into the Geg Groupmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Italo-albanian Dialects) Shkodër Falls Into the Geg Groupmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reducing ‘case’ to denotational primitives

Manzini

Savoia

2011

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“…In the 2P plural imperative in (66a) Dat and 1/2P clitics are found in mesoclisis between the verb stem and the verb inflection ‐ tə ; the Acc clitic follows the verb inflection. Manzini & Savoia () propose that the clitic that follows the inflection is merged with a I projection, but the clitic in mesoclisis is merged with a C projection, as schematized in (66b) (see Kayne for a different syntactic account, Harris & Halle for a DM account). The two clitics are therefore divided by the C head, which may provisionally be assumed to host the ‐ tə inflection; the verb base is in a higher C I(mperative) position.…”

Section: Ordermentioning

confidence: 99%

Enclisis/Proclisis Alternations in Romance: Allomorphies and (Re)Ordering

Manzini

Savoia

2016

Trans of the Philol Soc

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Romance clitic pronouns appear to the left of the verb in I and to the right of the verb in C. This alternation correlates with: (a) allomorphy, specifically l-vs. zero; (b) stress shifts; and (c) reordering of the clitic string. The alternations in (a)-(c) are also observed between non-negative and negative contexts. The key points of our analysis are: (i) the l-segment is associated with definite content; (ii) interpretively, pronouns scope out of modal/non-veridical operators; (iii) syntactically, the exponent for modality/nonveridicality may have the pronoun in its domain; (iv) externalization of the l-segment is found when semantic scope (ii) and syntactic configuration (iii) are mismatched. Therefore allomorphies (including stress), far from being morphophonological quirks, contribute to the externalization of syntactico-semantic notions of non-veridicality. In dealing with clitic (re)ordering we propose a model based on the dissociation between Merge and linear order. Phrasal constituents are ordered to the right of the verb in Romance; clitics mirror them in that they are ordered to the left, while keeping the Merge relations constant.

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“…The premise that clitics are expected never to occur in this position is refuted empirically by the existence of so-called 'mesoclisis' in European Portuguese (and in imperatives in many varieties of Spanish as discussed by Harris and Halle 2005;Kayne 2009; and in other languages by Manzini and Savoia 2011).…”

Section: Background On the Quechua Familymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Note that I abstract away from the position of the number markers in the structure, since this is subject to complex variation across the family and is not immediately relevant. Following Cattaneo (2008), Ledgeway and Lombardi (2005), Manzini andSavoia (2011), Poletto (2000) and Săvescu-Ciucivara (2009:93, fn 46), I take it that there are projections dedicated to hosting object clitics in the clause structure. These are labelled 'CliticP' in the diagram below to distinguish them clearly from the functional heads which make up the subject person markers, which I claim are to be divided into three separate morphemes (this claim is substantiated in full in the next subsection).…”

Section: Waqya-sha-wa-ø-n Call-dur-1o-pres-3s 'S/he Is Calling Me' (mentioning

confidence: 99%

Cliticization feeds agreement: a view from Quechua

Myler

2016

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Mesoclisis in the imperative: Phonology, morphology or syntax?

Cited by 22 publications

References 16 publications

Reducing ‘case’ to denotational primitives

Reducing ‘case’ to denotational primitives

Enclisis/Proclisis Alternations in Romance: Allomorphies and (Re)Ordering

Cliticization feeds agreement: a view from Quechua

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