Mexico's Southern Flank: The “Third” U.S. Border

Grayson, George W.

doi:10.1016/j.orbis.2005.10.005

Cited by 7 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…By the end of 2001, in the immediate aftermath of the September 11 attacks, the Bush administration had identified the Mexico-Guatemala border as a strategic site of cooperation and international security between Mexico and the U.S., labeling it "America's third border" (Solís 2007). U.S. advisors and policymakers described it as a region in desperate need of state intervention, a "soft underbelly" where "venal criminals alike flood into Chiapas with a view to reaching the U.S." (Grayson 2006). This language was echoed by Mexican officials, and speaking in the U.S. months before Plan Sur was announced, then President Vicente Fox declared that "The most pressing issue between both countries is drug trafficking… Only by joining forces with strategic coordination [and] sharing information, we can face and defeat this situation" (Sanchez 2001).…”

Section: Plan Surmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Similarly, in the U.S., the Atlanta DEA chief explained to reporters in 2009 that "the flood of Hispanic immigrants into American communities… helped to provide cover to drug traffickers and distributors" (Arrillaga 2009). Others suggested that members of Al Qaeda and Hezbollah conspired with smugglers to enter the U.S. from Honduras and other countries across Central America (Grayson 2006). This spatial hierarchy separating North America from its counterparts to the south while subordinating the latter proliferated in the wake of the Mérida Initiative, culminating in widespread fear of "spillover" violence (del Bosque 2009) that implicated Central American migrants in the war on drugs and further rationalized Mexican and U.S. intervention to propagate "international security" that subordinated Central and South America while communicating North America's economic, political, and social superiority.…”

Section: The Mérida Initiativementioning

confidence: 99%

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Subordinating Space: Immigration Enforcement, Hierarchy, and the Politics of Scale in Mexico and Central America

Ramshorst

Walker

2022

BIG_Review

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In recent years, security and immigration enforcement has expanded rapidly throughout Mexico. From checkpoints and patrols to a vast system of detention and deportation, Mexican officials have implemented far-reaching measures to curtail international migration from Central America. Many of these efforts have been concentrated along the Mexico–Guatemala border and deep within southern Mexico, culminating in Programa Frontera Sur, a militarized approach to border security implemented in 2014. In this article, we explore how security and immigration enforcement in Mexico rely on spatial hierarchies that divide north and south. The practice of security and immigration enforcement has received significant attention across many disciplines. The notion of spatial hierarchies and the ways in which scalar differentiation impinges upon well-being has been less covered. As we show, these hierarchies partition North and Central America according to colonial modes, subordinating the latter as inferior while working across global, national, and local scales. Crucially, the linkages between securitization and the spatialization of hierarchies provide insights into nation-building and regional identity, where Mexico and the United States are increasingly designated as separate from South and Central America.

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Section: Plan Surmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Mérida Initiativementioning

confidence: 99%

Subordinating Space: Immigration Enforcement, Hierarchy, and the Politics of Scale in Mexico and Central America

Ramshorst

Walker

2022

BIG_Review

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“…Cette frontière se transforme en un territoire fortement surveillé par l'armée, la police fédérale, provinciale et municipale (Villafuerte Solís, 2011, p. 171). Pour les États-Unis, la région intégrant la frontière Sud du Mexique et les pays de l'Amérique centrale, est considérée comme sa « troisième frontière » (García Aguilar, 2011;Grayson, 2006).…”

Section: Genèse Et Conséquences De L'externalisation Au Mexiqueunclassified

“…Borders encompass numerous risks and dangers and are often the site of intense state control, criminal activities, and corruption (Andreas, 2000;Espach & Haering, 2012;Grayson, 2006;Ruiz Marrujo, 2006). Pablo portrays the harassment by actors within the immigration industry at the Guatemala-Mexico border:…”

Section: The Southern Bordermentioning

confidence: 99%

Le parcours du combattant

2022

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Je tiens tout d'abord à adresser mes remerciements aux migrantes et migrants qui ont accepté de partager avec moi leur expérience migratoire et de vie au Mexique et au Maroc. Merci d'avoir été si généreuses et généreux avec moi tout au long de mes séjours de recherche. Je tiens aussi à remercier les membres des organisations d'aide aux migrants, plus particulièrement à Sidy au Maroc et à Gabriela, Marina, Victor, Andrea et Rafael Alonso au Mexique, pour leur appui fondamental à ma recherche. Ensuite, je remercie Danièle Bélanger, directrice et guide tout au long de mon chemin. Sa confiance en moi, son aide, sa patience, son amitié et ses conseils m'ont été très précieux. Sans son soutien, cette thèse n'aurait jamais vu le jour. Elle m'a donné la possibilité de m'impliquer dans ses projets et m'a toujours encouragé à étudier les migrations internationales. À son côté, je n'ai pas seulement grandi comme chercheur, mais aussi comme personne. Je tiens aussi à remercier très sincèrement les membres de mon comité de thèse, Victor Piché et Frédéric Lasserre, qui ont été toujours disponibles et à l'écoute. Merci pour vos conseils, suggestions et encouragements. Je désire remercier le généreux appui financier reçu de la part du Centre de recherche pour le développement international (CRDI), du Conseil de recherches en sciences humaines du Canada (CRSH) et du Fonds de recherche du Québec -Société et culture (FRQSC).

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“…Despite efforts by the Mexican government to deploy migrant-protection officials-Beta Groups-along the border, deaths resulting from exposure to multiple social and physical dangers appear to be increasing. According to Grayson (2002Grayson ( , 2003, in 2000, 120 migrants in the area along the Mexico-Guatemala border died. By 2002, the mortality bill had increased threefold to 355.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Making Theological Sense of the Migration Journey From Latin America

Hagan

2006

American Behavioral Scientist

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This article focuses on the ways in which religious workers in Central America, Mexico, and U.S. border areas respond to the increasing dangers that confront undocumented migrants as a consequence of the militarization of international borders in the region. Drawing on interviews with religious leaders who work with departing and journeying migrants, this article examines the theological bases for pastoral care and social justice actions for migrants in the context of current immigration law and policy. Findings suggest that the Catholic church embraces a communitarian social theology that translates into social justice activities when it comes to migration matters. Protestant churches remain divided when it comes to immigration matters, with mainline Protestant workers aligning themselves with Catholic workers. In contrast, Pentecostal and Evangelical workers, who maintain an individualistic orientation, shy away from immigration politics, focusing instead on the needs and salvation of individual members of their ministries.

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Mexico's Southern Flank: The “Third” U.S. Border

Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

Subordinating Space: Immigration Enforcement, Hierarchy, and the Politics of Scale in Mexico and Central America

Subordinating Space: Immigration Enforcement, Hierarchy, and the Politics of Scale in Mexico and Central America

Le parcours du combattant

Making Theological Sense of the Migration Journey From Latin America

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