(Migration and the Labor Market)

Florinskaya, Yulia; Mkrtchyan, Nikita; Maleva, Tatyana Mikhailovna; Kirillova, M. K.

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2657092

Cited by 15 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…Some of these individuals are not officially registered as permanent residents of Moscow/Saint Petersburg. On the other hand, many Muscovites (these arguments should be valid for Petersburgers as well) who move to other regions of Russia or abroad for a long period of time may neglect to notify authorities of their absence, as retaining permanent residence in Moscow may provide them with certain benefits (e.g., easier access to medical facilities or certain social subsidies) (Florinskaya et al 2015 ).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Recent Mortality Trend Reversal in Russia: Are Regions Following the Same Tempo?

et al. 2017

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After several decades of negative trends and short-term fluctuations, life expectancy has been increasing in Russia since 2004. Between 2003 and 2014, the length of life rose by 6.6 years among males and by 4.6 years among females. While positive trends in life expectancy are observed in all regions of Russia, these trends are unfolding differently in different regions. First, regions entered the phase of life expectancy growth at different points in time. Second, the age- and cause-specific components of the gains in life expectancy and the number of years added vary noticeably. In this paper, we apply decomposition techniques—specifically, the stepwise replacement algorithm—to examine the age- and cause-specific components of the changes in inter-regional disparities during the current period of health improvement. The absolute inter-regional disparities in length of life, measured by the population-weighted standard deviation, decreased slightly between 2003 and 2014, from 3.3 to 3.2 years for males, and from 2.0 to 1.8 years for females. The decomposition of these small changes by ages and causes of death shows that these shifts were the result of diverse effects of mortality convergence at young and middle ages, and of mortality divergence at older ages. With respect to causes of death, the convergence is mainly attributable to external causes, while the inter-regional divergence of trends is largely determined by cardiovascular diseases. The two major cities, Moscow and Saint Petersburg, are currently pioneering mortality improvements in Russia and are making the largest contributions to the inter-regional divergence.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Recent Mortality Trend Reversal in Russia: Are Regions Following the Same Tempo?

et al. 2017

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“…5 For comparison, in 2014 the population increase due to immigration amounted to 270 thousand people and in 2013 -296 thousand (Maleva et al, 2016) [17]. 6 The author refers to the data provided by the Federal Migration Service. The data track formal employment: professions specified in work permits and patents for labor activity for individuals (i.e., in households).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In 2014, 65 percent of foreign workers were employed in this sector of the economy, and 11 percent-in service industries, while only 10 percent of them continued to work in construction (Ryazantsev, 2016) [12]. 6 Due to the current recession, fewer jobs are available in the construction sector, while the demand for foreign labor in the service sector (catering, restaurants, personal services) has not declined. Immigrants demonstrate more flexible employment strategies (compared to the local population), since they are willing to pursue a greater variety of jobs.…”

Section: The Impact Of the Economic Crisis On Immigration To Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Economy of Russian Migration Politics

Malakhov¹,

Симон²

2016

Preprint

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Abstract:The authors argue that despite significant numbers of foreign workers present in the Russian labor market Russia remains unattractive for highly skilled foreign workers. The economic crisis the country has faced since 2014 has resulted in a further outflow of foreign nationals from OECD countries. So Russia has to look for employees among newcomers from the former Soviet states, the majority of whom come from Central Asia. Russian politics with regard to immigration is characterized by the collision between "geopolitical" and domestic policy rationales. On one hand, seeking to maximize its influence in the postSoviet space Russia provides preferential conditions of employment for citizens of partner countries in the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union. On the other hand, the Kremlin is afraid to liberalize its approach to immigration and the integration of immigrants through fear of losing popularity among the electorate. The second substantial feature of Russian immigration politics is an extreme level of securitization of migration issues. The government considers these issues primarily through a policing lens. One cannot claim that the Russian state does not take any steps to liberalize "migratory regulation"; however, the effect of these measures is being vastly reduced by new restrictions. In addition, liberally designed laws do not bring the expected results due to the corrupt practices that pervade the whole of migration regulation.

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“…To assess the intensity of foreign relations, we used various indicators of foreign and intra-Russian tourism and temporary labour migration. Intra-Russian migrants (Florinskaya et al 2015) often maintain links with their place of origin, they have higher mobility, and consequently, their larger numbers both in the region of arrival and in the donor region can influence the rate and the scale of morbidity. Temporary migrant workers, for example, may have contributed to the coronavirus disease spread by returning from Moscow to the regions of Central Russia or to the North.…”

Section: Methodology Data and Their Limitationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Risks of morbidity and mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic in Russian regions

Земцов¹,

Бабурин²

2020

POPECON

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The COVID-19 pandemic has covered all Russian regions. As of May 8, 2020, about 190 thousand cases have been identified, more than 1600 people with the corresponding diagnosis have died. The values of the indicators are expected to rise. However, the statistics of confirmed cases and deaths may underestimate their actual extent due to testing peculiarities, lagging reporting and other factors. The article identifies and describes the characteristics of the regions in which the incidence and mortality of COVID-19 is higher. Migration of potential carriers of the virus: summer workers and migrant workers from Moscow and large agglomerations, as well as return of labour migrants to the North increase the risks of the disease spread. The risk of mortality is higher in regions with high proportions of the poor and aged residents, for whom it is difficult to adapt to the pandemic, and lower in regions with greater health infrastructure. Based on the revealed patterns, a typology of regions on possible risks is proposed. Above all the risks in and near the largest agglomerations (the cities of Moscow and Saint Petersburg, Moscow and Leningrad Oblasts), in the northern regions where the share of labour migrants is high (Khanty-Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrugs), in southern underdeveloped regions (Ingushetia, Karachay-Cherkess, Kabardino-Balkarian Republics, Dagestan, North Ossetia). For the latter, the consequences may be most significant due to the limited capacity to adapt to the pandemic and self-isolation regime, and additional support measures may be required in these regions.

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(Migration and the Labor Market)

Cited by 15 publications

References 1 publication

Recent Mortality Trend Reversal in Russia: Are Regions Following the Same Tempo?

Recent Mortality Trend Reversal in Russia: Are Regions Following the Same Tempo?

The Political Economy of Russian Migration Politics

Risks of morbidity and mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic in Russian regions

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