Militant and Rebel Organization(s)

Parkinson, Sarah; Zaks, Sherry

doi:10.5129/001041518822263610

Cited by 39 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…Some smugglers used routes in the sewers to enter and exit the ghetto (Frankel, 1996), while others, especially children, snuck through small spaces in walls (Schiff, 1998). Finally, there was a work unit of Jews tasked with gathering dead bodies in the ghetto and transporting them to the cemetery that bordered the ghetto and “Aryan” Warsaw, and smugglers in that work unit would smuggle objects in the wagons carrying the bodies (Landau, 1995). This route could also be used to smuggle people, faking dead, out of the ghetto (Landau, 1995) All of these routes pre-dated the establishment of any armed group in the ghetto and were later adapted by the ŻOB.…”

Section: Case Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This goes beyond a focus on networks and collectives of individuals to explore how the strategies and formal structures of organizations condition the extent and efficacy of their resistance. This focus on organizational structure is grounded in the political science literature on rebel organizations, which has flourished in the last decade (Parkinson and Zaks, 2018). Scholars of rebel organizations have identified how state strength (Buterbaugh et al, 2017) and the manner of state repression (Lindemann and Wimmer, 2018) influence not only the occurrence of armed resistance, but the structures of rebel organizations (Buesa and Baumert, 2018;Ghatak, 2018;Marsden, 2016).…”

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This paper begins to build a generalizable theory of how civilians directly experiencing a genocide 1 can create a rebel organization capable of holding territory from the genocidal state. I conceptualize a rebel organization as an organization that engages in armed conflict against a state for political purposes (Parkinson and Zaks, 2018), has an organizational structure that includes a specified chain of command, and has procedures for operations, training, and weapons procurement. 2 I borrow De la Calle and Sánchez-Cuenca's conceptualization of holding territory as "break[ing] the state's sovereignty over its own territory" (2012: 53).…”

Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

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How rebel groups form in genocide: The Warsaw Ghetto fighters

Reilly

2021

Violence: An International Journal

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The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising is emblematic of armed Jewish resistance to the Holocaust; it should also be emblematic of rebel organization formation and capacity building in the most extreme power asymmetry. The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising happened because civilians who were directly experiencing a genocide formed rebel organizations that gained the capacity to hold territory. Drawing from video testimonies and memoirs of survivors, diaries of witnesses, and the work of historians, this study analyzes the formation and evolution of the Jewish Fighting Organization (ŻOB) to create and begin to validate a generalizable theory on how rebel organizations form in genocide, and how they create the capacity to hold territory from the genocidal opponent. The ŻOB evolved from a violent resistance organization to a rebel organization with a military infrastructure that could hold territory against the Nazis; further, it was this capacity to hold territory that allowed the ŻOB to win the survival of many Jews. These findings offer important insights on the possibility of rebel group mobilization against genocidal persecution, and can be used to understand contemporary genocide resisters.

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Section: Case Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Literature Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

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How rebel groups form in genocide: The Warsaw Ghetto fighters

Reilly

2021

Violence: An International Journal

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“…In this case, governance burdens rebel groups, such that some rebel groups persevere militarily despite providing governance. Furthermore, if governance is unpopular and requires rebels to divert ever more personnel from military activities to oversee the implementation of governance, chains of command could dissipate, leading to military indiscipline (Green, 2018; Parkinson and Zaks, 2018).…”

Section: Potential Explanationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rebel governance: military boon or military bust? (Isard Award Article)

Stewart

2019

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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What is the relationship between rebel governance and rebel military strength? Most existing research assumes that rebel governance enhances the military strength of the rebel group. I test this assumption with an original dataset of rebel governance services. The quantitative evidence presents a more complicated picture that belies a straightforward link between the two: governance appears to have either no relationship with rebel strength and sometimes even a negative and statistically significant relationship with rebel military capacity. To explain this surprising result, I generate a set of empirically grounded mechanisms using case vignettes that incorporate primary and secondary data. As a whole, the paper calls for greater theorizing and testing of the consequences of rebel governance, as well as the strategic motivations for its implementation.

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“…Examining individual officers’ disobedience from a relational standpoint recognizes intra-military social dynamics’ influence on soldiers’ behavior while highlighting those individuals’ agency and multivocality (their concurrent roles in distinct webs of relationships). This analytical pivot also allows us to build on extensive micro- and meso-level work on civil wars and counter-insurgency which demonstrates, for instance, that the environments in which soldiers operate and their identifications with multiple social networks influence organizational structure, defection, factionalization, and remobilization (Parkinson and Zaks, 2018).…”

Section: Why Individual Disobedience Mattersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Rogues, degenerates, and heroes: Disobedience as politics in military organizations

Hundman

Parkinson

2019

European Journal of International Relations

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Disobedience in military organizations affects critical outcomes such as the quality of civil–military relations, the likelihood of civilian abuse, and battlefield effectiveness. Existing work on military disobedience focuses on group dynamics; this article instead investigates the circumstances under which individual officers disobey. We argue that officers interpret military orders based on their concurrent positions in multiple social networks and that, contingent on the soldier’s environment, such orders can “activate” tensions between overlapping social network identifications. These tensions create motivations and justifications for disobedience. We develop this theory via in-depth case studies of individual officers’ disobedience in the Chinese military and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), combined with an examination of 10 additional cases outlined in an online appendix. Relying on primary sources, we demonstrate how identifications with overlapping social networks led two ostensibly dissimilar officers to disobey in similar ways during the Sino-French War (1883–1885) and the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1989). Our theory thus shows how overlapping social networks create conditions of possibility for even well-trained, loyal commanders to disobey their superiors. In doing so, it highlights the critical fact that even within the context of intensive military discipline and socialization, individuals draw on identifications with varied social networks to make decisions. Further, it implies that individual disobedience should be studied as conceptually separate from collective events such as mass desertion or unit defection.

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Militant and Rebel Organization(s)

Cited by 39 publications

References 5 publications

How rebel groups form in genocide: The Warsaw Ghetto fighters

How rebel groups form in genocide: The Warsaw Ghetto fighters

Rebel governance: military boon or military bust? (Isard Award Article)

Rogues, degenerates, and heroes: Disobedience as politics in military organizations

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