Embedded reporting in Operation IraqiFreedom provided real-time coverage of soldiers in war that was viewed and read by publics around the globe. Most constituents, such as the military, media, and the larger U. S. public perceived this coverage as positive; however, live television coverage had an intense and uncalculated impact on some U.S. Army wives and others on a military post at the individual, community, and institutional levels. This study provides a qualitative perspective on U.S. Army wives (N = 23) and their children on a military post whose soldiers deployed in the earliest phase of the war in Iraq in 2003. Live coverage created three types of viewing for Army wives and their childrencompulsive, controlled, and constrained-and hastened use of other types of communication media. Live coverage also contributed to the expansion of the traditional definition of the military family and extended the reach of the Family Readiness Groups andthe role oftlieF^r Detachment Command. Wearguefor an extension ofMady Segal's "greedy institution" application to the military family to include the mass media-specifically live television coverage of war. The so-called "digital age" with its myriad communication technologies provides a new context in which to study families (Wartella and Jennings 2001). The electronicrich environment and mass media have had an impact on military families (Ender 2005a). The new communication media are an important part of their lives, the impact being most acute during military deployments, especially deployments during war (Ender and Segal 1996). Military sociologists must reconsider the traditional GREEDY MEDIA 49 conceptualizations of experiences in military families as communication media of all sorts may challenge and contest fundamental ideas about military families during deployments.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKIn this study we adopt Mady Wechsler Segal's (1986;1989) application of "greedy institutions" to military families as the theoretical framework. Indeed, much of the social science scholarship on military families for the past 20 years has relied on this orientation. Building on the earlier and more general agenda-setting work and family analysis of Rosabeth Moss Kanter (1977), who posited the inextricable link between work-family life, Segal outlined the range of military family life demands collectively unique to military life. Focusing primarily on spouses and soldiers, she linked four crucial levels of analysis: institutional, organizational and structure, interpersonal, and individual. Segal applies Coser's (1974) more general "greedy institutions" conceptualization to the demands of military family life where both the military and the family expect relatively total devotion on the part of the soldier. In the military, two societal institutions intersect-the family and the military. Both make significant demands on the service member. Military members are normatively restricted with significant social controls on their lives especially during wartime deployments. Family devoti...