Minor Studies of Aggression: VI. Correlation of Lynchings with Economic Indices

Hovland, Carl I.; Sears, Robert R.

doi:10.1080/00223980.1940.9917696

Cited by 342 publications

(218 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…An example can be seen in the influence of economic hardships on violence toward Blacks in the U.S. South. Basically corroborating the findings originally reported by Hovland and Sears (1940) and supported by a more sophisticated reanalysis of the data conducted by Hepworth andWest (1988, cited in Berkowitz, 2003), Green, Glaser, and Rich (1998) showed that there was a significant relationship between sudden drops in the market value of cotton in the southern United States and the lynching of Blacks in that part of the country, but only for the period up to the Great Depression and not afterward. Evidently, whatever aggression inclinations arose from the region's economic troubles were displaced onto Blacks in this exceedingly violent fashion only when widespread cultural attitudes and values in the South defined such people as dangerous and also permitted these kinds of assaults.…”

Section: Social Stresssupporting

confidence: 76%

Toward an Understanding of the Determinants of Anger.

Berkowitz¹,

Harmon‐Jones²

2004

Emotion

494

417

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Research bearing on several popular conceptions of the major determinants of anger arousal indicates that the particular appraisals often identified as causes of anger frequently only serve to affect the intensity of the anger that is generated. Research into effects of physical pain or other physically unpleasant conditions or involving social stresses suggests that decidedly aversive conditions are a major spur to anger. Experiments are also reviewed showing that anger-related muscular movements can also lead to anger-related feelings, memories, cognitions, and autonomic responses. Alternative explanations for the findings are discussed. The authors urge emotion theorists to widen their methodology and analyses so that they give careful, detailed attention to the many different factors that can influence anger.A great many people are angry at one time or another. After surveying studies dating back to World War I, Averill (1982) concluded that "Depending upon how records are kept, most people report becoming mildly to moderately angry anywhere from several times a day to several times a week" (p. 1146). Perhaps because this emotion is so common, 1 specific definitions of this term often vary in detail (see Averill, 1982;Kassinove, 1995, for reviews of the many different usages of this word), and there are many different, and even opposing, cultural beliefs prescribing how and when this affective state should be managed.Although there certainly is no shortage of research articles dealing with anger, investigators inquiring into the development and functioning of emotions would do well to devote more of their effort and ingenuity to the study of this particular affective state. It obviously is a socially very important emotion, one that has attracted a great deal of attention in the mass media as well as in the various health fields, but it also presents emotion theorists with a number of intriguing conceptual questions. As just one example, there is the often-assumed relationship between hedonic valence and approach-avoidance inclinations. According to Watson, Wiese, Vaidya, and Tellegen (1999), positive affect is typically associated with approach tendencies, whereas negative arousal is usually linked to an urge to avoid the instigating stimulus. Anger seems to be relatively unique in this regard and is often associated with approach rather than with avoidance inclinations (see Harmon-Jones & Allen, 1998;Harmon-Jones & Sigelman, 2001). Then too, research into the conditions under which anger is aroused can also touch on the metatheoretical controversy as to whether emotions can be evoked independently of cognitions. Although we do not want to revive the now well-worn argument as to just what is involved in the concept cognition, if one adopts the relatively restricted definition favored by Izard (1993) and Zajonc Leonard Berkowitz and Eddie Harmon-Jones, Department of Psychology, University of Wisconsin-Madison.We thank the individuals who provided valuable comments on previous versions of this article: Jack B...

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Section: Social Stresssupporting

confidence: 76%

Toward an Understanding of the Determinants of Anger.

Berkowitz¹,

Harmon‐Jones²

2004

Emotion

494

417

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“…Classicamente, o preconceito tem sido estudado como uma característica psicológica do indivíduo: uma frustração reprimida e deslocada para grupos mais fracos (Hovland & Sears, 1940); o desenvolvimento de um tipo de personalidade autoritária (Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson & Sanford, 1950); a pouca disposição à abertura mental (Rokeach, 1960); a falta de contatos com membros de grupos minoritários (Allport, 1954). Posteriormente, esta perspectiva individualizante foi retomada pelos teóricos da cognição social (Fiske & Taylor, 1991;Markus & Zajonc, 1985), os quais estudaram o preconceito como um erro no processamento das informações (Hamilton, 1979;Hewstone, 1990;Pettigrew, 1979;Ross, 1977;Schaller, 1991).…”

Section: A Natureza Do Preconceitounclassified

Um estudo sobre as formas de preconceito contra homossexuais na perspectiva das representações sociais

Lacerda¹,

Pereira²,

Camino³

2002

Psicol. Reflex. Crit.

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ResumoEste artigo analisa, na perspectiva das representações sociais, as formas como estudantes universitários expressam o preconceito contra homossexuais e a relação desse preconceito com as explicações da homossexualidade. Para tanto, aplicaram-se questionários a 220 alunos de uma universidade pública da cidade de João Pessoa. Os resultados permitiram classificar os estudantes em uma tipologia composta por três grupos de indivíduos: preconceituosos flagrantes, preconceituosos sutis e não preconceituosos. A análise da ancoragem social do tipo de preconceito apresentado pelos estudantes mostrou que os preconceituosos flagrantes se opuseram às explicações psicossociais (próprias das mulheres e dos estudantes de psicologia) e aderiram mais fortemente às explicações ético-morais e religiosas (próprias dos estudantes de engenharia). Os não preconceituosos estudam psicologia e aderem às explicações psicossociológicas. Já os preconceituosos sutis explicaram a homossexualidade a partir de causas biológicas e psicológicas, próprias dos estudantes de medicina e das mulheres. Palavras-chave: Representações sociais; preconceito; homossexualidade. A Study of Prejudice Forms against Homosexuals Anchored on Social RepresentationsAbstract This paper analyses, in terms of social representations, the way university students express their prejudice against homosexuals and how this prejudice relates to explanations concerning homosexuality. Questionnaires were used with 220 students of a public university in João Pessoa city. The results led to a classification of the students into three different groups: flagrantly-prejudiced, subtly-prejudiced and non-prejudiced. The analysis of the social anchorage of the students type of prejudice revealed that the flagrantly-prejudiced group opposed the psycho-social explanations (typical of women and psychology students), more strongly adhering to ethical-moral and religious explanations (characteristic of engineer students). The non-prejudiced were students of Psychology and adhered to psycho-sociological explanations, whereas the subtly-prejudiced explained homosexuality in terms of biological and psychological causes (explanations typical of medical students and women). Keywords: Social representations; prejudice; homosexuality. Nas últimas décadas, os países ocidentais desenvolveram normas que coíbem a discriminação explícita contra grupos minoritários (McConahay, Hardee & Batts, 1981;Wittenbrink, Judd & Park, 1997). Por exemplo, na maioria dos países o racismo é formalmente proibido e qualquer manifestação racista é desencorajada (Santos, 1999). Mesmo assim, observa-se um aumento na discriminação expresso na violência racial (Mummendey & Wenzel, 1999;Oliveira, Lima & Santos, 1999) e nos indicadores sócio-econômicos das minorias raciais (Browser,1995). Esta situação contraditória mostra o preconceito assumindo formas de expressão que não contrariam abertamente as normas antiracistas atuais (Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986;Katz & Hass, 1988;Kinder & Sears, 1981;McConahay, 1983;Pettigrew & Meerte...

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“…Contemporary racist images remain tied to bloody histories of colonial relations, slavery, the denigration and economic exploitation of particular cultures. The classic studies of Hovland and Sears (1940) on the lynchings of blacks by whites in the Southern states of America, for example, demonstrated that history and economics (tangibly here the price of cotton) pay a crucial role in the enactment of racist discourses and racist murder. Jahoda (1999) has argued that we need a comprehensive historical analysis of racism to understand why animality is the "key image" in the stigmatisation of black people over centuries and "the one that has survived most stubbornly" (p. 244 It is clear these children know that black communities are objectified and exoticised.…”

Section: Histories Of Stigmamentioning

confidence: 99%

Race as stigma: positioning the stigmatized as agents, not objects

Howarth

2006

Community & Applied Soc Psy

110

100

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Using material from 3 qualitative studies into the social and psychological consequences of racism, this paper explores the insights gained from conceptualising race as stigma. Not only does this shed light on the construction and contestation of racism in the lives of the research participants, the material presented raises important issues for a social psychology of stigma more generally. These include an assessment of the embodiment of stigma, the ideological construction of stigma within particular histories, the impact of stigma on identity, and the ways in which we collectively contest and resist stigma. While acknowledging how stigma, particularly the stigma of race, acts to deny humanity, agency and liberty, I illustrate how stigma is collectively constructed, institutionalised and resisted in social and political relations. I conclude that a crucial part of the psychology of stigma must be a focus on the possibilities for communities to contest and transform representations and practices that stigmatise; that is, we need to explore the possibilities and conditions for stigmatised communities as agents as not (only) as objects or victims of stigma. Key words:Stigma, racism, social structures, social representations, embodiment, ideology, identity, resistance, community, agency.Race as stigma: positioning the stigmatised as agents, not objects.

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Minor Studies of Aggression: VI. Correlation of Lynchings with Economic Indices

Cited by 342 publications

References 3 publications

Toward an Understanding of the Determinants of Anger.

Toward an Understanding of the Determinants of Anger.

Um estudo sobre as formas de preconceito contra homossexuais na perspectiva das representações sociais

Race as stigma: positioning the stigmatized as agents, not objects

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