Minorities and the Limits of Liberal Democracy

Nimni, Ephraim

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198746669.003.0004

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…The initial Renner approach envisages that self -rule is preferred option in the sphere of cultural and in educational affairs, where the consocial institutions should manage the central affairs such as security and the foreign policy (Nimni 2005). In that sense, traditionally, NTA includes a mixture of different arrangements such as consociationalism and national-cultural autonomy (NCA), but also forms of representation that de-territorialize the self-determination (Nimni 2015).…”

Section: Nta Characteristicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The possibilities and limits of non-territorial autonomy in securing indigenous self-determination

Shikova

2020

Filoz drus

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Non-territorial autonomy (NTA) incorporates a mixture of different arrangements such as consociationalism and national-cultural autonomy (NCA), and forms of representation that de-territorialize self-determination. The paper analyses NTA possibilities in reaching indigenous self-governance and reveals the dilemmas in the applicability of NTA for securing the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples. Although the practice points towards some positive examples and successes of NTA institutions related to ingenious peoples (e.g. S?mi Parliaments), the question remains whether NTA holds sufficient potential for addressing indigenous needs upheld by the international principle ?right to land, territories and traditionally owned resources.?

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Section: Nta Characteristicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The possibilities and limits of non-territorial autonomy in securing indigenous self-determination

Shikova

2020

Filoz drus

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“…The evolving forms of nonterritorial empowerment among Palestinians in Israel provide a counter argument to the idea of a two-state solution, and to the misguided view that selfgovernment can only be obtained in the context of a monocultural nation-state. They show an incipient model of plurinational autonomy that could become a substitute for unfeasible nationstates and their democratic deficit (Nimni 2015). As modalities of shared sovereignty in plurinational states are increasingly being considered as solutions to demands for minority self-determination, the case of Palestinian citizens of Israel is worth considering in detail (Amal 2007;Requejo 1999;Keating 2009).…”

Section: Israel's Jewish Settlement Policy As the Negation Of The Twomentioning

confidence: 99%

The Twilight of the Two-State Solution in Israel-Palestine: Shared Sovereignty and Nonterritorial Autonomy as the New Dawn

Nimni

2019

Nationalities Papers

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This article analyzes the international consensus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that there should be a two state solution and finds it unworkable on several counts. The conflict has no territorial solution: high population density makes partition impossible without leaving unwanted pockets of one people in the territory of the other; it is not possible for any Israeli government to dismantle settlements in the West Bank without causing a civil war; and in such a small and overcrowded territory, it is not feasible to have monocultural nation-states when the population is now evenly divided between the two conflicting national communities that reside in overlapping areas. Demographic forecasts show in the short term, a decrease in the proportion of Israeli Jews and an increase in the proportion of Palestinians. In the face of this stalemate, the article recalls the 90-year-old proposal by enlightened Jewish personalities to create a binational state under the modality of national-cultural autonomy. Furthermore, and paradoxically, in a reversal of the situation 90 years ago, Palestinian Israeli citizens are slowly creating a bottom-up series of autonomous communal organizations that provide self-government without territorial control, a model for nonterritorial autonomy in a manner that reminds of the earlier proposals of the Jewish personalities. The article concludes that this could potentially be a way out of this stalled and protracted conflict. A plurinational state in Israel-Palestine based on the model of National Cultural Autonomy with shared sovereignty and collective rights for all communities.

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“…Here, NTA is the broadest denominator; it is not so much a particular model but a generic term that refers to different practices of minority community autonomy that do not entail exclusive control over a territory (Nimni & Pavlovic, 2020). Traditionally, NTA comprises not only a mix of different arrangements-such as consociationalism and national cultural autonomy-but also forms of representation that de-territorialise self-determination (Nimni, 2015).…”

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confidence: 99%

Can Non-Territorial Autonomy Help to Enforce the Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights of the Roma?

Shikova

Limonero

2022

Realising Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights Through Non-Territorial Autonomy

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Racist and discriminatory policies against the Roma persist in both eastern and western Europe. Methods of repression have varied over time, but it is striking that strategies of open or tacit discrimination and expulsion of the Roma are still found in some contemporary policies of the older and transitional democracies, in EU Member States and countries that are candidates for EU membership. Of major concern is the fact that xenophobic statements and actions against the Roma often come from leading politicians or from national governments. Additionally, despite various international and regional human rights instruments, the ongoing structural discrimination that the Roma face has not yet been addressed within the existing legal framework. Many of the measures that have been proposed to address social exclusion and marginalisation are largely unenforceable; they tend to overlook the harsh living conditions, lack of access to public services, low level of education and embedded prejudice against the Roma. This paper addresses the human rights violability of cultures commonly marginalised in society. In many cases, although human rights protection regimes are enacted for certain cultures, the measures do not encompass groups that are non-dominant and territorially dispersed. The case of the Roma exemplifies not only this situation in respect of their language, cultural and educational rights in Spain and in North Macedonia, but also how the establishment and implementation of possible non-territorial autonomy (NTA) arrangements can help to overcome lasting discrimination. There is no unique model of NTA since it is applied differently in different contexts and circumstances. However, in essence, NTA arrangements can help minorities to enjoy cultural or other activities without territorial limitation. NTA can thus support the protection of territorially dispersed cultures and alleviate some of the harsh practices that they face.

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Minorities and the Limits of Liberal Democracy

Cited by 4 publications

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The possibilities and limits of non-territorial autonomy in securing indigenous self-determination

The possibilities and limits of non-territorial autonomy in securing indigenous self-determination

The Twilight of the Two-State Solution in Israel-Palestine: Shared Sovereignty and Nonterritorial Autonomy as the New Dawn

Can Non-Territorial Autonomy Help to Enforce the Linguistic, Cultural and Educational Rights of the Roma?

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