Minority Chairs and Congressional Attention to Minority Issues: The Effect of Descriptive Representation in Positions of Institutional Power

Ellis, William Curtis; Wilson, Walter Clark

doi:10.1111/ssqu.12023

Cited by 20 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 31 publications

(31 reference statements)

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“…Some of these include racial oversight hearings (Minta 2009), chairing hearings and addressing issues of housing, civil rights, and social welfare (Ellis and Wilson 2013), prioritizing Latino issues in committees and co-sponsoring bills tied to Latino interests (Rouse 2013;Wallace 2014 …”

Section: Political Parties and Groups On Candidate Emergence And Successmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Wielding Influence of Political Networks: Representation in Majority-Latino Districts

Ocampo

2017

Political Research Quarterly

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Latino-majority congressional districts are far more likely to elect Latino representatives to Congress than majority-white districts. However, not all majority-Latino districts do so. This paper addresses this question and it investigates how the level of influence of political parties and interest groups in majority-Latino districts substantially shape Latino representation to the U.S. House of Representatives. I rely on five case studies and a dataset of candidates to open congressional races with a Latino population plurality from 2004-2014. The evidence indicates that groups and political networks are critical for Latino/a candidate recruitment, the organization of resources in a congressional district, the deployment of campaign resources on behalf of certain candidates and the eventual success of Latino candidates. The findings suggest that Latino descriptive and substantive representation are shaped by the wielding influence of political parties and interest groups.

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Section: Political Parties and Groups On Candidate Emergence And Successmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Wielding Influence of Political Networks: Representation in Majority-Latino Districts

Ocampo

2017

Political Research Quarterly

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“…The key independent variable of interest is the number of African Americans and of Ellis and Wilson's (2013) Sinclair-Chapman's (2013) analysis. There is a possibility the House became more liberal or conservative toward issues over time, which could affect oversight topics.…”

Section: Coding Race Of Committee Members and Tabulating Racial Compomentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Contributions to the Literature-Approach and Findings hearings, for a sample of hearings during three Congresses. Ellis and Wilson (2013) study the impact of African American and Latino committee chairs upon racially salient oversight. The findings for all three of these works suggest a positive relationship between nonwhite members and racially salient oversight.…”

Section: Chaptermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…delves even further into the oversight arena, finding that nonwhite members of Congress contribute longer and more frequent comments at oversight hearings than white members of Congress on both explicitly racial and social welfare issues. In this work, Minta explores the content of a sample of 55 hearings supporting racially salient interests during the 103 rd , 104 th , and 107 th Congresses Ellis and Wilson (2013). cast a wider net for hearings addressing racially salient interests, examining 27,000 hearings over 30 years.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Does having more African Americans and/or Latinos on committees impact both types of racially salient oversight? Or does the effect of African American and Latino legislators on committees differ when the calculus of white legislators is altered after redistricting?Lublin (1997) Ellis andWilson (2013) find that committees with Latino and African American chairs engage in more racially salient oversight. I predict this effect will remain even after controlling for the number of African Americans and Latinos on committees.…”

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confidence: 99%

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Narrow Representation? The Impact of Implicitly and Explicitly Racial Issues on Opinion and Representation

Nestor¹

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My dissertation combines knowledge from the opinion, racial and ethnic politics, and representation literatures to examine Black and Latino opinion and representation on racially salient issues. I theorize that representation of Blacks and Latinos is a "narrow" representation, much more in line with Black and Latino opinion on issues that are explicitly, rather than implicitly, racial. To test this theory, I build upon the literature by considering intersectional identity and multiple methods of representation. In Chapter 2, I examine two questions: when do income and racial group differences occur on racially salient issues, and if splits occur between respondents of higher and lower incomes according to the racialized nature of the issues, on which type of issues do government outputs respond better to either group? My approach extends Gilens's (2012) method for imputing opinion by income to racial groups. I find income can be an important driver of opinion for not only whites but also Blacks and Latinos. Government outputs on racially salient issues, however, do not seem to follow either Gilens's (2012) findings that high income opinion drives government, or Griffin and Newman's (2008) findings that African Americans experience better government representation on racially salient issues. Rather, Blacks' and Latinos' desire for change does not seem to drive government outputs on implicitly racial issues, and whites' desire for change does not seem to drive government outputs on explicitly racial issues. In Chapter 3, I move to consider descriptive representation and the effects of racially salient issues upon individual legislator responsiveness. Do African American and Latino legislators do a better job of representing low-income African Americans and low-income Latinos on two implicitly racial issues where their opinions are unique? I find that this is largely not the case, although Latino Republicans show some promise. In addition, a sponsorship analysis on both implicitly and explicitly racial issues shows that African American and Latino legislators are more active than other legislators in sponsoring legislation that supports low-income Black and Latino interests on immigration (an explicitly racial issue), but not different from other legislators in their sponsorship behavior for Iraq withdrawal (an implicitly racial issue). Moreover, chapter 3 reveals that large numbers of low-income Blacks and Latinos in districts have no bearing on the behavior of legislators in these analyses, including Black and Latino legislators. Finally, chapter 4 considers committee oversight, examining the influence of Black and Latino committee members, and of early 1990s redistricting, upon explicitly and implicitly racial oversight. Chapter 4 reveals a distinct difference after redistricting for implicitly racial issues, with the number of African American members heavily affecting such oversight after the 103 rd Congress. This project builds understanding of racial disadvantage, and how it occurs in government.

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Towards a Framework of Racialized Policymaking in Higher Education

Rodriguez¹,

Deane²,

Davis³

2021

Higher Education: Handbook of Theory and Research

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Minority Chairs and Congressional Attention to Minority Issues: The Effect of Descriptive Representation in Positions of Institutional Power

Cited by 20 publications

References 31 publications

The Wielding Influence of Political Networks: Representation in Majority-Latino Districts

The Wielding Influence of Political Networks: Representation in Majority-Latino Districts

Narrow Representation? The Impact of Implicitly and Explicitly Racial Issues on Opinion and Representation

Towards a Framework of Racialized Policymaking in Higher Education

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