Mobilizing in a hybrid political system: the Artvin case in Turkey

How to Contain Hybrid Regime's Power: A Conceptual Framework for Extracting Regime Concessions

“…The empirical evidence, derived from six instances of social mobilization in Serbia over the recent few years, run by the "Move, Change" movement, validates these propositions and underscores the utility of the framework in predicting the outcomes of campaigns of authoritarian resistance, making it a valuable tool for understanding the nexus of authoritarian resilience vs democratic resistance which has been attracting growing interest as of late. Consequently, these insights add to the research probing government reactions to mobilization requests and pressures (Chenoweth et al 2017;Handlin 2017;Klein and Regan 2018;Ozen and Dogu 2020;Merkel and Lührmann 2021;Sinkkonen 2021;Spasojević and Lončar 2022;de Vogel 2023;van Lit et al 2023;Tomini et al 2023;Leuschner and Hellmeier 2023). Specifically, it contributes to the ongoing endeavours to discern the circumstances under which governments yield to such pressures and when they resist.…”

“…Nonetheless, hybrid regimes sometimes make concessions to social campaigns, primarily in order, to prevent the erosion of their legitimacy (Heurlin 2016;Li 2019;Ozen and Dogu, 2020;Trantidis 2022;Leuschner and Hellmeier 2023;de Vogel 2023;Spasojević andLončar 2023, p. 1384;). This holds true even in authoritarian regimes that lack free elections (see, e.g., O'Brien and Li 2006;Acemoglu and Robinson 2006;Bindman 2015;Bishara 2015;Yuen and Cheng 2017); the need to avoid popular backlash and prevent the erosion of legitimacy is even more pronounced in semi-authoritarian regimes, which, despite limited media and political freedoms, still rely on electoral legitimation (Levitsky and Way, 2010;Bermeo, 2016;Trantidis 2022;Spasojević andLončar 2023, p. 1385).…”

The impact of cognitive filters on strategic actions and relationships: an analysis from local environmental advocacy in the Aegean Region, Turkey

“…Especially after the mid-1980s, with the effect of rising neoliberalism, the number of both local environmental resistance movements and environmental organizations in an institutionalized form rose. Bergama and Artvin-Cerattepe environmental movements are among the significant environmental struggles that started in these years (Gönenç, 2021;Özen and Doğu, 2020). After the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP) came to power in 2002, environmental justice movements have sped up and spread around the country rapidly as a response to destructive neoliberal policies to defend rural and urban life spaces.…”