Montenegro

Komar, Olivera; Živković, Slaven

doi:10.1177/0888325416652229

Cited by 36 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 8 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…The Montenegrin CSES collaborator evaluated the Democratic Front's populism level with a score of 8 on the 0-10 points scale. 19 Certainly, this party employs anti-elite rhetoric, but the division between this party/coalition and the ruling DPS is on the national question, i.e., the ethnic identity of the Montenegrin nation (in particular, this applies to the NSD, which is pro-Serbian oriented; Komar & Živković 2016). So, while the DF has elements of populism, it is certainly a non-standard brand of populism.…”

Section: Montenegro 2016mentioning

confidence: 99%

Measuring populist ideology: anti-elite orientation and government status

2021

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In most contemporary conceptions of populist ideology, anti-elite orientation is considered to be one of its central components. Consequently, instruments designed to measure populism include items intended to capture anti-elitism. Such operationalizations may, however, neglect the interaction with the political status of the relevant actors -that is, parties/leaders. A negative and critical attitude towards the party or parties in government could reflect a populist antielite orientation but might also simply represent a negative attitude towards a specific party (which may be affected by pre-existing party identification or a negative government performance evaluation). Hence, such an indicator of populist ideology would then be contaminated by unintended content. This paper uses the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems dataset (with the addition of Serbia) to analyze the average anti-elite scores of parties in different countries. The overall results suggest that the anti-elite scale also captures the attitude towards parties in government. The paper discusses the methodological ramifications of this finding.

show abstract

Section: Montenegro 2016mentioning

confidence: 99%

Measuring populist ideology: anti-elite orientation and government status

2021

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Th e complexities of BR interrelation as well as the countries inner problems are presented in scholars' analyses. Some cover historical burden (Odak and Benčić 2016), democracy implementation (Komar and Živković 2016), the complexity of cooperation with the International Hague tribunal in the scope of EU integration (Subotic 2010), and minority political rights (Lončar 2016;Protsyk and Sachariew 2012;Spirova and Stefanova 2012). Also, political election questions (Obradovic-Wochnik and Wochnik 2014), the International Justice system (Attila Hoare 2010), low implementation problems (Joireman 2016), democratisation and regime sustainability (Alexander 2008), corruption (Aymaliev 2017), and overall postcommunist identity problems (Ekiert et al 2007) were some of topics.…”

Section: State Power and Resilience Capacitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Balkans and non-military security threats – quality comparative analyses of resilience capabilities regarding hybrid threats

Mitrović¹

2018

Security and Defence Quarterly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Th e contemporary security environment indicates non-conventional, asymmetric and hybrid security threats as potentially the most accurate threats to global and regional security. Confl ict risks in the regional frame strongly depend on strategically aimed non-military, but hybrid acts. Th e great powers mostly attempt to achieve their own interests' goals in fulfi llment of self-orientated strategic dominance. Th e Balkan region is a crossroads of strongly exposed interest spheres of regional as well as global powers. Th e article aims to determine areas of infl uence in the Balkan States that could become targets of predominantly non-military but hybrid infl uences. Multi-Value Quality Comparative Analyses (mvQCA) of state power, stability and resilience capacities were used in the research. Th e methodology used was based on the approach with multi-valued sets of variables and conditions. A theoretical framework was based on contemporary theories of state power and hybrid warfare concept. Used databases were brought together from generated open source databases of approved international academic or think-tank organisations. Based on a hypothesis regarding hybrid security threats, a theoretical framework of understanding of power and analysing a wide spectra of databases, the article aims to contribute a rational and objective understanding of two main indicators: the potential to become a target and the resilience capacities of countries in the face of hybrid security threats. Its fi ndings indicate that most countries in the Balkan region are potentially under unarmed infl uences and have very low resilience capabilities against Security and Defence Quarterly 2018; 22(5) Miroslav Mitrovic possible hybrid infl uences. Th e conclusions reached help to clarify that the Balkan States are vulnerable to hybrid security threats.

show abstract

The development of an interest group system in a constrained democracy: Montenegro

Komar

2018

Journal of Public Affairs

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article is the first comprehensive examination of Montenegro's interest group system. This system is a product of a combination of traditional influences and recent developments. The major traditional influences are a closed, patriarchal society with strong family and kinship relations, and a nonparticipatory political culture. These combined with over a quarter century of dominance by the ex-communist party have been major impediments to the growth of interest group activity. Despite this, significant developments have occurred in the establishment of new interests and their activities, much of this made possible by the strong presence of various elements of the international community. Nevertheless, Montenegro has a bifurcated interest group system in which a small elite dominates interest group activity, while, for the most part, the mass of society do not participate in political advocacy. | INTEREST GROUP STUDIES IN MONTENEGRO AND SOURCES FOR THIS ARTICLEJudging by the absence of a comprehensive treatment of interest groups in Montenegro and any original research on them, a logical conclusion is that they have not been a major aspect in the transition to democracy.Groups and interests are most often treated as part of broader research on the transition. Even then, advocacy groups receive only cursory coverage in contemporary literature. This is most likely because interest groups are often viewed as undermining the development of democracy.As a consequence, although some information can be gleaned from related sources, such as work on political parties and the electoral process, the main source used in this article is original research.This includes a recent comparative study on lobbying in Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia, conducted by Cekik (2015). There is also a study (explained in the introductory article in this volume, section 4) of the development of civil society in the Balkans that includes Montenegro (Fink-Hafner, 2015;Komar, 2015).There are also general studies focusing on the development of the NGO (non-governmental organization) sector and its current status (CRNVO and IPSOS, 2012;Muk, Uljarević, & Brajović, 2006).However, focusing only on NGOs or civil society at large does not capture the complete picture of interest and interest group activity. This fails to include prominent formal and informal interests and interest groups that are often key influences on political decision making.

show abstract

Montenegro

Cited by 36 publications

References 8 publications

Measuring populist ideology: anti-elite orientation and government status

Measuring populist ideology: anti-elite orientation and government status

The Balkans and non-military security threats – quality comparative analyses of resilience capabilities regarding hybrid threats

The development of an interest group system in a constrained democracy: Montenegro

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About