More Than a Name? Variation in Electoral Mobilisation of Titular and Non-Titular Ethnic Minorities in Russian National Elections

White, Allison C.; Saikkonen, Inga

doi:10.1080/17449057.2016.1221186

Cited by 19 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…В частности, исследователями давно замечен факт большей управляемости электоратом, который демонстрируют этнические республики. Это позволяет властям в данных регионах добиваться более высоких электоральных показателей, чем главам типичных российских субъектов Bader and Van Ham, 2015;Ross, 2016, 2019;Saikkonen, 2017;White and Saikkonen, 2017).…”

Section: методология (теоретические основы) исследованияunclassified

“…Таким образом, результаты исследования говорят о том, что причины высокого уровня электоральной мобилизации в этнических республиках России по сравнению с большинством «типичных» регионов связаны скорее с объективными социальными параметрами в виде типа поселения (городское / сельское), нежели со спецификой этнокультурного характера. Этот вывод вполне согласуется с последними количественными исследованиями данной проблемы, согласно которым на локальном уровне электоральная явка в русских деревнях также высока и в целом не отличается от уровня электоральной мобилизации в нерусских селах (White and Saikkonen, 2017). Сравнительно высокая доля аграрного населения, которая характеризует большинство этнических республик, создает для местных властей широкие возможности для обеспечения электоральной явки.…”

Section: рис три звена в цепи электоральной мобилизации / Fig Three Links In the Chain Of Electoral Mobilizationunclassified

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Chained by one chain: Mechanisms of electoral mobilization at the local level in the Russian ethnic republics

Shkel¹

2021

Ars Administrandi

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Introduction: researchers of the Russian elections have long noticed that in a number of ethnic republics the level of electoral mobilization and political conformism of voters is higher than the average in Russia. Despite the fairly numerous statistical evidence of the existence of this political phenomenon, we still know relatively little about the specific causal mechanisms for the reproduction of electoral activity in these republics. Objectives: identifying the factors bringing about a high level of electoral mobilization in ethnic republics in Russia. Methods: analysis of qualitative data collected through focus groups method in five regions: Republic of Bashkortostan, Republic of Tatarstan, Komi Republic, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) and Chuvash Republic. Results: as the result of the study it is concluded that a high level of electoral mobilization is caused by the combination of three factors, each of which affects different categories of voters. The institutional factor in the form of political machines involves into the electoral process those employed in public sector and industrial enterprises. The density of social networks resulting from specificity of rural way of life influences the electoral behavior of entrepreneurs and self-employed people living in the countryside. Finally, the Soviet legacy continues to determine the high political activity of the older generation, acting as a significant cultural factor. At the same time, there has been no empirical proof to a number of explanations whereby religion or ethnic culture of non-Russian ethnic groups is viewed as factors that simplify electoral mobilization. Conclusions: evidence on the role of the solidarity norms in rural areas during elections makes it possible to conclude that the consolidation and high intensity of horizontal relationships do not always promote the reproduction of civil society institutions and grass-roots democratic practices. As it is shown in the experience of the Russian ethnic republics, this element of social consolidation may well be integrated into the design of authoritarian elections. Thus, informal networks of grass-roots solidarity can be used not only by the opposition, but also by local authorities to increase electoral mobilization, which, in the current political context, rather strengthens authoritarian orders and practices than creates threats to them.

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Section: методология (теоретические основы) исследованияunclassified

Section: рис три звена в цепи электоральной мобилизации / Fig Three Links In the Chain Of Electoral Mobilizationunclassified

Chained by one chain: Mechanisms of electoral mobilization at the local level in the Russian ethnic republics

Shkel¹

2021

Ars Administrandi

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“…Между тем в России меняются не только избирательное законодательство и «правила игры», но и социальный базис электоральной поддержки власти. С этой точки зрения избиратели в этнических республиках России всегда играли особую роль, являясь стабильными опорами электоральной поддержки власти как федерального, так и регионального уровней (Myagkov et al, 2010;Goodnow et al, 2012;Goodnow et al, 2014;Bader and Van Ham, 2015;Panov and Ross, 2016;White and Saikkonen, 2017;Panov and Ross, 2019;Minaeva and Panov, 2020). Однако в последнее время исследователи фиксируют признаки снижения политической лояльности избирателей в этнических республиках.…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

Who is to Blame? Centralization and Titular Ethnic Groups’ Electoral Behavior in the Russian Republics

Shkel¹

2022

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Introduction: the electoral behavior of voters in many Russian republics is characterized by higher support for incumbents. However, recently some of them have witnessed a decrease in electoral support for the Russian president from representatives of the titular ethnic groups. Objectives: to find the answer to the following research question: why do representatives of the titular ethnic groups reduce electoral support for the Russian president in some ethnic republics, while this does not happen in other republics? Methods: the study uses qualitative data collected by focus groups in four Russian republics: Bashkortostan, Tatarstan, Chuvashia, and Komi. Results: the analysis of the data made it possible to identify the main factors that determine the change in the electoral behavior of titular ethnic groups’ representatives. The results of the study suggest that a decrease in the electoral support for the Russian president among the titular ethnic groups occurs only if they consider both levels of government – federal and regional – to blame for the infringement of their ethno-cultural rights. This, in turn, stems from two factors: (1) the fragmented structure of regional elites and (2) the choice of a loyalty strategy by the head of the region in response to pressure from the center. Conclusions: the latest reforms in ethno-linguistic policy in Russia did not remain unnoticed and influenced the electoral processes in a number of ethnic republics. In some of them, the titular ethnic groups significantly reduced the electoral support of the Russian government and ceased to be a significant link in the mechanics of political machines. In others, their electoral behavior remains stable. This allows us to conclude that the structure of the current the Russian president electoral majority is undergoing changes. Moreover, although these changes are not tectonic and are rather local in nature, ignoring them may lead to the fact that researchers and experts in the future may not notice the onset of more fundamental changes.

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“…Our research puzzle relates to the nature of the pro-Kremlin authoritarian coalition. Traditionally, the explanation of political support for the party of power is reduced to the context of political machines (e.g., Hale 2003; Golosov 2014; Tkacheva and Golosov 2019) or to the study of ethnic republics (e.g., Goodnow, Moser, and Smith 2012; White 2016; White, Saikkonen 2017) but not other Russian ( Russkie ) regions. Surprisingly, the contribution of these regions to electoral support for the party of power and President Putin is almost completely ignored in scholarship.…”

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From the Red Belt to the Bible Belt? Religiosity and Voting in Russia since 2011

Shcherbak

Ukhvatova²

2022

Nationalities Papers

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The article explores the relationship between Orthodox religiosity and voting in Russia in 2011–2018. Using the theoretical framework of desecularization from above, which claims that church structures play a key role in the religious renaissance policy, we argue that the rise of the political influence of the ROC (Russian Orthodox Church) may be explained by its capacity for dissemination of traditional values that ultimately results in votes for United Russia and President Vladimir Putin in national elections. This study reveals the emergence of a new area on Russia’s political map—the belt – into Belt, which combines higher levels of Orthodox religiosity and pro-Kremlin voting in national elections. Using multiple empirical strategies we construct an index of religiosity on the regional level and identify the Orthodox Belt regions, test the relationship between Orthodox religiosity and voting in the national elections in 2011–2018, and test the differences in value orientations and electoral support between the Orthodox Belt regions and other ones. Finally, two model regions of the Orthodox Belt—Tambov and Lipetsk—are explored. We conclude that non-Orthodox Belt regions in Russia with higher Orthodox religiosity, conservatism, and loyalty are an emerging trend in Russian political geography.

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More Than a Name? Variation in Electoral Mobilisation of Titular and Non-Titular Ethnic Minorities in Russian National Elections

Cited by 19 publications

References 32 publications

Chained by one chain: Mechanisms of electoral mobilization at the local level in the Russian ethnic republics

Chained by one chain: Mechanisms of electoral mobilization at the local level in the Russian ethnic republics

Who is to Blame? Centralization and Titular Ethnic Groups’ Electoral Behavior in the Russian Republics

From the Red Belt to the Bible Belt? Religiosity and Voting in Russia since 2011

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