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s Abstract Community intervention trials continue to attract researchers as potential ways to achieve widespread, long-term change in health behaviors. The first generations of community studies were somewhat unsophisticated in design and analysis, and their promise may have been overstated. As design and analysis issues were better defined, as secular trends caught up with the behaviors that researchers were trying to change, or as other unknown variables affected community studies, small effects of interventions were observed in community trials. Discussions were held in professional meetings and reported in the literature: Should community trials be discontinued? In general, the answer was a qualified no. In this paper, we briefly review some of the many advances made in community intervention trials, and address in more detail the challenges ahead. INTRODUCTIONMuch of the risk for chronic disease is behavioral and can be controlled. Many cancer factors, for example, are related to diet, smoking, and sexual behavior; these lifestyle behaviors account for up to 70 percent of all cancers (44, 70,110). Lifestyle behaviors are similarly important in the prevention of cardiovascular disease (CVD), much of which is attributed to the behavioral factors of diet, smoking, and uncontrolled hypertension (48, 56, 61). Other chronic diseases, including diabetes (13,100,133), arthritis (9, 92), and osteoporosis (3, 92), may be prevented by behavioral changes in diet and exercise. Numerous experimental studies designed to modify health-risk behaviors have been conducted. Success rates of such programs are generally determined in randomized trials, and the great bulk of such trials have focused on the individual, i.e., they rely on volunteers to participate in the experiment. Such trials may have an effect on the individual participants but have limited ability to achieve widespread, large-scale changes in the health-risk behaviors of the population as a whole.The past three decades have seen a change in the manner in which many lifestyle behaviors are viewed. Increasingly, smoking is perceived not as an individual problem, but as a public health problem, in need of policies to control where smoking is allowed (59, 77). Similarly, fluoride is added to water to reduce dental caries (72,96). Seat belt usage is required by law in many states (43, 62,119), as are helmets for motorcycle riders (8,90,97). Dietary habits also are no longer considered purely individual matters. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration and the United States Department of Agriculture have produced a report recommending reform in food and nutrition labeling (6,104,130).This approach to behavior is familiar to many public health and health-promotion researchers. The increasing focus on "the public" in health promotion is due, at least in part, to growing recognition that behavior is greatly influenced by the social environment in which people live. Local values, norms, and behavioral patterns have a significant effect on shaping an individual's attitudes a...
s Abstract Community intervention trials continue to attract researchers as potential ways to achieve widespread, long-term change in health behaviors. The first generations of community studies were somewhat unsophisticated in design and analysis, and their promise may have been overstated. As design and analysis issues were better defined, as secular trends caught up with the behaviors that researchers were trying to change, or as other unknown variables affected community studies, small effects of interventions were observed in community trials. Discussions were held in professional meetings and reported in the literature: Should community trials be discontinued? In general, the answer was a qualified no. In this paper, we briefly review some of the many advances made in community intervention trials, and address in more detail the challenges ahead. INTRODUCTIONMuch of the risk for chronic disease is behavioral and can be controlled. Many cancer factors, for example, are related to diet, smoking, and sexual behavior; these lifestyle behaviors account for up to 70 percent of all cancers (44, 70,110). Lifestyle behaviors are similarly important in the prevention of cardiovascular disease (CVD), much of which is attributed to the behavioral factors of diet, smoking, and uncontrolled hypertension (48, 56, 61). Other chronic diseases, including diabetes (13,100,133), arthritis (9, 92), and osteoporosis (3, 92), may be prevented by behavioral changes in diet and exercise. Numerous experimental studies designed to modify health-risk behaviors have been conducted. Success rates of such programs are generally determined in randomized trials, and the great bulk of such trials have focused on the individual, i.e., they rely on volunteers to participate in the experiment. Such trials may have an effect on the individual participants but have limited ability to achieve widespread, large-scale changes in the health-risk behaviors of the population as a whole.The past three decades have seen a change in the manner in which many lifestyle behaviors are viewed. Increasingly, smoking is perceived not as an individual problem, but as a public health problem, in need of policies to control where smoking is allowed (59, 77). Similarly, fluoride is added to water to reduce dental caries (72,96). Seat belt usage is required by law in many states (43, 62,119), as are helmets for motorcycle riders (8,90,97). Dietary habits also are no longer considered purely individual matters. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration and the United States Department of Agriculture have produced a report recommending reform in food and nutrition labeling (6,104,130).This approach to behavior is familiar to many public health and health-promotion researchers. The increasing focus on "the public" in health promotion is due, at least in part, to growing recognition that behavior is greatly influenced by the social environment in which people live. Local values, norms, and behavioral patterns have a significant effect on shaping an individual's attitudes a...
ABSTRACT:Introduction: Each year nearly 1.3 million people die as a result of a road traffic collision with more than 3000 deaths each day and more than half of these people are not travelling in a car. More than half the people killed in traffic crashes are young adults aged between 15 and 44 years. AIM: To analyse the profile of road traffic accidents that happened in Trichy city during the year 2011. OBJECTIVES: 1. To analyse the burden of road traffic accident cases reported in Trichy city over a period of one year 2. To determine the age and gender profile of fatal and non-fatal accidents. 3. To study the distribution of road traffic accidents by time and season of occurrence. MATERIALS & METHODS: STUDY DESIGN: Retrospective study. STUDY AREA: Trichy city. The traffic police department of Trichy traffic police headquarters was approached. The investigator and guide approached the office of the chief of Trichy city traffic police. After clearly explaining the purpose of this study to the chief stating that the data collected is only for the research purpose and will not be used for any other purpose, the data was collected. All the collected data were then entered in SPSS 17 and analyzed using the same software. Considering that the data were of categorical nature, descriptive statistics was used to describe the data. RESULTS & CONCLUSION: The fatal and nonfatal accidents follow a pattern in their incidence according to the week days and months in a year. However further in depth analysis is needed to analyse these pattern and to validate these findings. Overall the findings of this study will be useful for planning accident prevention programs in the future. KEYWORDS: Road traffic accidents, Helmet use, Helmet safety, Driving rules. INTRODUCTION:Each year nearly 1.3 million people die as a result of a road traffic collision with more than 3000 deaths each day-and more than half of these people are not travelling in a car.Twenty to fifty million more people sustain non-fatal injuries from a collision, and these injuries are an important cause of disability worldwide. Ninety percent of road traffic deaths occur in low-and middle-income countries, which claim less than half the world's registered vehicle fleet.Road traffic injuries are among the three leading causes of death for people between 5 and 44 years of age. Unless immediate and effective action is taken, road traffic injuries are predicted to become the fifth leading cause of death in the world, resulting in an estimated 2.4 million deaths each year. This is, in part, a result of rapid increases in motorization without sufficient improvement in road safety strategies and land use planning. The economic consequences of motor vehicle crashes have been estimated between 1% and 3% of the respective GNP of the world countries, reaching a total over $500 billion. Reducing road casualties and fatalities will reduce suffering; unlock growth and free resources for more productive use. (1)
This paper studies intergenerational correlations in drunk driving between fathers and their children using the Stockholm Birth Cohort. We find strong evidence of an intergenerational drunk driving relationship. Cohort members who have fathers with a drunk driving record have 2.59 times higher odds of having a drunk driving conviction themselves than cohort members with non-drunk driving fathers. We then go on to investigate the underlying mechanisms that give rise to these correlations. The results provide compelling evidence that at least some of this relationship represents a behavior-specific transference from fathers to their children. Specifically, much of the raw father-child drunk driving relationship persists over and above controls for a number of potential explanations, including that the relationship is: (i) a by-product of parental alcoholism, (ii) symptomatic of a general pattern of non-law abiding behavior, (iii) attributable to inherited ability and physical characteristics, and (iv) accounted for by common background variables or social factors. We then go on to show how this mechanism may change over time. As cohort members age into adulthood, the father-child drunk driving relationship appears to be driven by a more general behavioral transference mechanism and can be accounted for by parental alcoholism and non-law abiding behavior.
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