Mulheres e a violência política sexista: desafios à consolidação da democracia

A Woman’s Place is… in Politics: Reflections about Micro and Macroaggressions of Identities

“…The existence of gender stereotypes ends up interfering with the development of a better understanding of the real role of women in society as well as their skills when acting in public (Biroli, 2010). Stereotypes or stigmas aimed at the female figure within the field of politics characterize manifestations of gender traditionalism that turn to an ingrained set of beliefs about which attributes are considered socially, politically, and culturally 'more appropriate' (Matos, 2020). There are, in the literature, indications on the subject that show that the population itself expects more rigorous standards from female candidates regarding their attitudes and qualifications, whose requirements, in a way, limit the execution of their activities.…”

“…Krook (2009) points out that, although the institution of quotas is motivated by the empowerment of women, they also have a pragmatic dimension since they are perceived not as being the ideal, but, perhaps, one of the few effective ways to increase female representation. Matos (2020) points out that although many actions were successful, there were no significant or sustainable changes in political attitudes toward women, especially black women, inside or outside institutions. As exposed by Sacchet (2018), the institution of quotas did not 'solve' the problem of underrepresentation in Brazil.…”

“…Among the themes that often do not receive due attention are political violence and harassment against women and black people, which constitute behaviors that target women specifically with the aim of making them abandon politics by putting pressure on them and encouraging them to drop out, first as candidates and then by leaving office. The focus of such violence is to exclude them from public spheres, depriving them of their hard-won rights and citizenship (Matos, 2020). Krook (2020), in highlighting and emphasizing the various ways in which violence against women in politics can occur, discusses that this type of violence represents a threat to democracy, to human rights and gender equality around the world, something that can never be normalized as an inherent cost of political participation, but rather combated, so that women around the world can fully participate in politics.…”

Representatividad de las mujeres en Brasil y Argentina: de excluidas del ámbito político a electas sin paridad de participación

“…Isso significa que não basta apenas eleger mulheres; é preciso que, uma vez nesses espaços deliberativos, elas sejam capazes de atuar como pares nesses locais e que elas próprias atuem de acordo com as pautas feministas na construção da agenda política. Com essa assertiva, não se defende exclusivamente uma política de ideias ou representação substantiva, isto é, o que é defendido, quais pautas e propostas, em detrimento de uma política de presença ou representação descritiva, isto é, quem representa, as características do agente da representação (Duarte Rangel, 2012;Matos, 2011;Phillips, 2001). É necessário que, além da participação e presença de mulheres nos espaços deliberativos (participação e representação), elas sejam ouvidas e consideradas como pares integrais dos homens nas decisões e atuem em prol das pautas feministas (representatividade e pertencimento social).…”

“…Em outras palavras, todas as dimensões são igualmente importantes, assim as três devem ser remediadas para que seja possível alcançar a justiça de gênero. A esse respeito, Matos (2011) esclarece que ao incluir essa dimensão política da representação, "a sua teoria seria finalmente capaz de englobar o efeito combinado dos dois eixos anteriores com uma terceira questão, que vai além do 'o que' (redistribuição), e do 'quem' (reconhecimento) e do 'como' (representação)".…”