In this paper, we argue that market access issues associated with the question of the optimal mandate of the World Trade Organization should be separated from nonmarket access issues. We identify race-to-the-bottom and regulatory-chill concerns as market access issues and suggest that the WTO should address these concerns. We then describe ways that WTO principles and procedures might be augmented to do so. As for nonmarket access issues, we argue that as a general matter these are best handled outside the WTO, and that, while implicit links might be encouraged, explicit links between the WTO and other labor and environmental organizations should not as a general matter be forged. We view this as a measured approach to labor and the environment within the WTO.To provide the foundation for our proposals, we first present an economic framework.' Suppose there are two countries, country A and country B, whose respective governments are government A and government B. Country A exports good a to country B, and country B exports good /3 to country A. The two governments each choose import tariffs, and they may also select export policies and domestic policies (such as labor and environmental standards). For now, we focus on the selection of import tariffs. Given that this world has no trade agreement, each government selects its import tariff in a unilateral fashion (i.e., to best achieve its own policy objectives).Consider now the trade-offs that government A perceives when it sets its import tariff on good P3. A higher import tariff leads to a higher price of good P in country A. As a consequence, there are winners and losers in country A: the higher price benefits its importcompeting firms and hurts its consumers. Of course, depending on the level of the tariff, an increase may also generate greater tariff revenue for country A, and these proceeds may be distributed to consumers so as to ease (or even reverse) the harm to them. By assessing these various effects and weighing how they contribute to or detract from its objectives, government A determines the unilateral tariff that best achieves its objectives. In similar fashion, government B determines its preferred unilateral tariff on good a. Government A's calculus of winners and losers neglects an important party: the exporters from country B. Exporting firms would naturally be expected to bear some of the incidence of a tax. Put differently, if the import tariff on good P3 is raised by a dollar, then the price of good P3 in country A is likely to rise by something short of a dollar. Some of the tariff hike