Multiculturalist White Supremacy and the Substructure of the Body

From cradle to college: Cultural socialization, identity development, and the college experiences of Latinx students.

“…Clearly, equity, diversity, and inclusion work that focuses on representation is insufficient because it leaves students feeling objectified and tokenized. Similarly, activities and events based on identity politics limit progress toward collective liberation and do nothing to critique the power structures (Cole, 2009; Hook, 2004; Rodríguez, 2011; Saucier, 2016). It follows then, that institutions of learning should be held accountable for producing curricula that strive to decolonize minds and confront the ontological structure rather than “civilize” students (Rodríguez, 2011).…”

“…In this college setting, students centralized their Latinx identity over their racial identity to reject the Black–White dichotomy, although for different reasons including the characteristics of the University context (Cole, 2009). Some (White-appearing) students chose to identify as Latinx, not to deny White supremacy, but to reject “White life” as the ultimate prototype of the human (Rodríguez, 2011), yet some (Black-appearing) students seemed to embrace a Latinx identity to carve out a modicum of dignity in an antiblack world (Goff et al, 2008). Either way, it is important to acknowledge that carving out a distinct Latinx identity further reifies the White supremacist structural positioning of non-White ethnoracial groups, thereby asserting the group’s inferiority compared to the White identity (Rodríguez, 2011).…”

“…Some (White-appearing) students chose to identify as Latinx, not to deny White supremacy, but to reject “White life” as the ultimate prototype of the human (Rodríguez, 2011), yet some (Black-appearing) students seemed to embrace a Latinx identity to carve out a modicum of dignity in an antiblack world (Goff et al, 2008). Either way, it is important to acknowledge that carving out a distinct Latinx identity further reifies the White supremacist structural positioning of non-White ethnoracial groups, thereby asserting the group’s inferiority compared to the White identity (Rodríguez, 2011). Doing so also elevates the risk of creating out-groups which may be excluded from a moral sense, thereby justifying mistreatment and even violence, including within Latinxs (Goff et al, 2008).…”

Hegemonic whiteness: Expanding and operationalizing the conceptual framework

“…Therefore, it is likely that hegemonic standards for white ethnic and cultural practices cannot be measured by particular behaviors, but instead, by an overall approach to ethnicity and culture that is steeped in entitlement and exploration. For example, popular behaviors associated with white cultural exploration in the US include celebrations of “diversity” and “multiculturalism” (Mayorga‐Gallo, 2019; Rodríguez, 2011) and behaviors that superficially embrace other racial‐ethnic cultures, such as white's love of hip hop (Cutler, 2003; Grealy, 2008) or whites' exploration of “ethnic” foods (Chez, 2011; Gabaccia, 2000). Such approaches remedy whites' perceptions of “white debt” (Hughey, 2010), a perception of whiteness as boring and in need of stimulation through celebration or alignment with other cultures.…”

Podemos Co-Construir um Campo de Gestão/Administração Engajado com a Maioria?

“…Por exemplo, a partir dos aprendizados adquiridos no Chile, a área de administração pública cada vez menos pública promoveu reformas contrarrevolucionárias radicais nos EUA, impulsionadas pelo discurso neoimperial do NPM contra "separatistas" no contexto da Guerra Fria Inter-Americana. Dentro e fora da universidade sulista cada vez menos pública, reformas de cima para baixo promoveram apropriação e contenção de epistemes e materialidades mobilizadas por invisibilizados em geral, e em particular por "bárbaros" Mapuches, também chamados de araucanos pelos colonizadores espanhóis (Richards, 2010) -o equivalente no Chile do "outro" mais fraco, mais pobre e mais escuro nos EUA (Rodríguez, 2011) radicalmente subalternizado pelo neoliberalismo multicultural do império benevolente que rearticula a estratégia de dividir-para-reinar aplicada a Indígenas Americanos e Afro-Americanos (King, Navarro, & Smith, 2020) por meio de apropriação de epistemes libertadoras, que justifica e invisibiliza dinâmicas interconectadas no Sul e no Norte de descolonização-recolonização comandadas pelo capital transnacional e mobilizadas por elites intelectuais. Essa faceta transnacional/multicultural da contrarrevolução neoliberal dividir-parareinar, reproduzida por escolas de negócios (Dar et al, 2020) e na educação em gestão, nega diferenciações coloniais e racistas (Nkomo, 1992), e reafirma a ideia racista/colonialista/sexista de que o invisibilizado outro, preso ao monoculturalismo identitário ou outras deficiências históricoculturais (Melamed, 2006), é não apenas inferior, mas também uma ameaça para a maioria que supostamente constitui a sociedade pós-colonial pós-racista multicultural.…”