Multiethnic Cities in North America

Fong, Eric; Shibuya, Kumiko

doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.31.041304.122246

Cited by 62 publications

(67 citation statements)

References 79 publications

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“…Never in the course of this country's urban development have people with such diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds lived together in the same metropolitan areas (Alba et al 1995, Fong & Shibuya 2005). This new demographic landscape poses major challenges to the study of racial/ethnic residential patterns, which has been a major window to the exploration of group relations (Fong & Shibuya 2005, Reardon & Firebaugh 2002, Theil 1972, White et al 2003). …”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Linking dichotomous segregation with multi-group segregation: Weighted segregation ratios in selected U.S. metropolitan areas

Hao

Fong²

2011

Social Science Research

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The U. S. residential landscape is increasingly multi-racial and multi-ethnic, giving rise to the question of how to compare dichotomous segregation among multiple groups living in the same area. To address the problem in the existing dichotomous approach, which offers no common basis for comparing dichotomous segregation among multiple groups, this paper develops a weighted segregation ratio approach based on Theil's segregation index and its additive decomposability. This approach can be used to bridge information obtained from dichotomous segregation between specific groups (such as black-white and black-Hispanic), and dichotomous segregation between group and non-group (such as white-non-white and black-non-black) in previous studies. We apply both dichotomous and weighted segregation ratio approaches to 1990 and 2000 U. S. census data. Results are interpreted for five selected metropolitan areas as well as for the weighted national average. This new approach yields distinctive findings that portray the complicated process of residential segregation, including the increasing significance of Hispanic segregation and Asian segregation in the decade from 1990 to 2000.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Linking dichotomous segregation with multi-group segregation: Weighted segregation ratios in selected U.S. metropolitan areas

Hao

Fong²

2011

Social Science Research

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“…For example, South, Crowder and Chavez (2005) examine the determinants of Latinos' migration into neighborhoods defined by the percentage of their population that is non-Hispanic white; Crowder, South, and Chavez (2006) perform a similar analysis for African Americans. However, given the rise of multiethnic cities and neighborhoods (Fong and Shibuya 2005), the conceptualization and measurement of neighborhood racial and ethnic composition using only the proportional representation of a single racial or ethnic group (almost always non-Hispanic whites) likely obscures important variation in inter-neighborhood migration patterns. High levels of migration into predominantly Anglo neighborhoods beget the question as to what types of neighborhoods-e.g., predominantly black or predominantly Latino-these migrants are avoiding.…”

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confidence: 99%

Inter-neighborhood Migration and Spatial Assimilation in a Multi-ethnic World: Comparing Latinos, Blacks and Anglos

2008

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Longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics are used to examine patterns and determinants of migration into neighborhoods of varying racial and ethnic composition. Consistent with spatial assimilation theory, higher income and education facilitate moving into neighborhoods containing proportionally more non-Hispanic whites and, among Latinos, the native-born move to "more Anglo" neighborhoods than immigrants. Consistent with place stratification theory, blacks move to neighborhoods with significantly fewer Anglos than do comparable Latinos, and the effect of income on migration into more Anglo neighborhoods is stronger for most minority groups than for Anglos. Latinos differ only slightly from Anglos in their migration into neighborhoods with large black populations, and blacks do not differ from Anglos in the migration into neighborhoods with large Latino populations.Justified by the pernicious consequences of residing in predominantly minority or otherwise disadvantaged urban communities, the patterns and determinants of residential segregation among U.S. racial and ethnic groups has been a venerable topic of social science investigation. Countless studies have examined the degree to which minority groups are residentially segregated from the dominant white majority (e.g., Farley and Frey 1994;Frey and Farley 1996;Iceland 2004;Wilkes and Iceland 2004;Logan, Stults, and Farley 2004). Studies in this tradition paint a vivid portrait of American residential apartheid (Massey and Denton 1993). However, because the most common analytical approaches to examining determinants of racial and ethnic segregation are cross-sectional, strong inferences regarding the individual-level causes of segregation remain elusive. At their core, theories of residential segregation and spatial assimilation imply processes of inter-neighborhood migration, as individuals of a given race or ethnicity move-or fail to move-between neighborhoods of varying racial and ethnic composition. Yet, few studies explicitly examine the patterns of inter-neighborhood migration that sustain or attenuate levels of racial and ethnic segregation.Direct all correspondence to Scott J. South, Department of Sociology, University at Albany, SUNY, Albany, NY 12222.. This study goes beyond prior work on the patterns and determinants of racial and ethnic residential segregation in three main ways. First, rather than relying on cross-sectional data, we use nationally-representative, longitudinal survey data to examine the actual patterns of inter-neighborhood migration that preserve or diminish residential segregation. Given the possibility that neighborhood racial and ethnic composition influences some of the characteristics of individuals and households that predict segregation-the "neighborhood effects" issue (Sampson et al. 2002)-longitudinal studies enhance confidence in our ability to identify the causal forces underlying segregation. NIH Public AccessSecond, we systematically compare the inter-neighborhood migration patterns of the nat...

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“…Segregation rates for African-Americans are the highest, followed by those of Hispanics and Asians. Although the latter figure in the more "moderate" ranges, they have been increasing with the number of persons from these ethnic groups increasing in the last decades (Fong & Shibuya 2005: 287, Zubrinsky Charles 2003: 167, Iceland 2004. Although black-white segregation is on a downward trend, it is decreasing at a pace so slow that "it may take forty more years for blackwhite segregation to come down even to the current level of Hispanic-white segregation" (LMC 2001: 1).…”

Section: Housing Policy Responses To Segregation In the United Statesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Residential Segregation and Housing Integration: Policy Challenges and Their Manifestation in St. Paul, Minnesota, Usa

Dick¹

2016

ISR_FB

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Multiethnic Cities in North America

Cited by 62 publications

References 79 publications

Linking dichotomous segregation with multi-group segregation: Weighted segregation ratios in selected U.S. metropolitan areas

Linking dichotomous segregation with multi-group segregation: Weighted segregation ratios in selected U.S. metropolitan areas

Inter-neighborhood Migration and Spatial Assimilation in a Multi-ethnic World: Comparing Latinos, Blacks and Anglos

Residential Segregation and Housing Integration: Policy Challenges and Their Manifestation in St. Paul, Minnesota, Usa

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