2019
DOI: 10.1111/gove.12459
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Multilevel blame games: Blame‐shifting in the European Union

Abstract: Who blames whom in multilevel blame games? Existing research focuses either on policymakers' preferences or their opportunities offered by the institutional structures in which policymakers operate. As these two strands of literature barely refer to each other, in this article we develop an integrated theoretical model of blame‐shifting in multilevel governance systems and assess it empirically. In line with the first strand, we assume that policymakers have a preference for shifting blame onto actors on a dif… Show more

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Cited by 50 publications
(45 citation statements)
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References 58 publications
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“…In these controversial public debates, especially the EU's supranational institutions are frequent addressees, often serving as a scapegoat for unpopular policies (Gerhards et al, 2009;Harteveld et al, 2018;Heinkelmann-Wild & Zangl, 2020;Rittberger et al, 2017;Schlipphak & Treib, 2017;Traber et al, 2020). Supranational institutions can try to influence these debates as well, and they seem to start approaching their public communication strategically (Ecker-Ehrhardt, 2018Rauh, 2021c;Rauh et al, 2020).…”
Section: Introduction: Why We Should Care About Supranational Twitter...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In these controversial public debates, especially the EU's supranational institutions are frequent addressees, often serving as a scapegoat for unpopular policies (Gerhards et al, 2009;Harteveld et al, 2018;Heinkelmann-Wild & Zangl, 2020;Rittberger et al, 2017;Schlipphak & Treib, 2017;Traber et al, 2020). Supranational institutions can try to influence these debates as well, and they seem to start approaching their public communication strategically (Ecker-Ehrhardt, 2018Rauh, 2021c;Rauh et al, 2020).…”
Section: Introduction: Why We Should Care About Supranational Twitter...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…4 Moreover, “hands-off” orchestration allows a sponsor to operate on the basis of plausible deniability. As rebels are more autonomous, sponsors can avoid responsibility attributions for, for example, human rights violations (see Schwarzenbeck 2017; Kruck 2020; Heinkelmann-Wild et al 2021) and are in a better position to plausibly deny their involvement (see Heinkelmann-Wild and Zangl 2020). This diminishes the risk of both domestic and international backlashes (see Bapat 2012, 1-2; Borghard 2014, 7; Byman and Kreps 2010, 6, 9; Mumford 2013, 44; Salehyan 2010, 503-4; Salehyan, Gleditsch, and Cunningham 2011, 713).…”
Section: Two Modes Of Indirect Wars: Delegation and Orchestrationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Weaver 1986(vgl. Weaver , S. 385, 2018Hobolt und Tilley 2014, S. 102-103;Gerhards et al 2009;Heinkelmann-Wild und Zangl 2019). Die IO-RepräsentantInnen mögen hier zwar anerkennen, dass die betreffende IO-Politik gescheitert ist, weisen aber öffentlich jede Schuld ganz unmissverständlich von sich und ihrer IO.…”
Section: Theorie: Schuldvermeidungsstrategien Von Iosunclassified
“…manchmal aber auch explizit -davon aus, dass IOs gute Sündenböcke sind, weil sich deren führende RepräsentantInnen weniger zur Wehr setzen müssen, können und wollen als die Regierungen ihrer Mitgliedstaaten (Gramberger und Lehmann 1995;Gerhards et al 2009;Heinkelmann-Wild und Zangl 2019;Kleinen-von Königslöw et al 2019). Sie müssen sich weniger zur Wehr setzen, weil sie sich nicht demokratischen Wahlen zu stellen haben.…”
unclassified