1 Background and Objectives 1.1 Terminological and conceptual preliminaries: 'Creoles', 'Creole genesis', 'Creolization', etc. 1.2 Uniformitarian boundary conditions 1.3 Cartesian boundary conditions 1.4 Some landmarks for navigating through the many detours of this long essay 2 Whence 'Creole Genesis'?2.1 Making constructive use of the distinction and relation between 'I-languages' and 'E-languages' 2.1.1 The ontological priority of I-languages (and innovations therein) 2.1.2 'E-creoles' vs. 'I-creoles' 2.1.3 Findings about E-creoles and I-creoles complement each other 2.1.4 I-languages as 'linguistic fingerprints': no two idiolects are identical 2.1.5 Abrupt 'innovations' precede gradual 'spread' 2.2 Deconstructing 'gradualism' 2.2.1 Gradual 'change' in E-language reduces to abrupt steps in I-languages 2.2.2 Gradualism in acquisition, in creolization and in age-grading effects 2.2.3 The roles of children and adults vis-à-vis innovations and the spread thereof 2.3 On the formation of 'I-creoles' via parameter-(re)setting in I-languages -as in other cases of language change 2.3.1 'Poverty of the stimulus' arguments and 'the logical problem of language acquisition' 2.
AbstractThis essay prescribes some broad 'Cartesian-Uniformitarian' boundary conditions for linguistic hypotheses about Creole formation. These conditions make constructive connections between Creole studies, historical linguistics and language-acquisition research. Here 'Cartesian' has a mentalist sense, as in Chomsky (1966): I consider the formation of so-called 'Creole' languages to be ultimately reducible to the creation, in certain sociohistorical contexts, of certain idiolects (i.e., individual internal, or 'I-', languages) in the minds of the 'first "Creole" speakers'. To avoid circularity, my use of the term 'Creole' in the phrase 'first "Creole" speakers' combines some of its original ethno-historical senses: I use the word 'Creole', in this particular context, to refer to the non-indigenous people of African or European descent that were born and raised in the colonial New World, in opposition to those that were born and raised in the Old Worlds of Africa and Europe. The term 'Uniformitarian' evokes Neogrammarian approaches to language change, as advocated, for example, by Osthoff and Brugmann (1878) and Paul (1890). It summarizes my fundamental working assumption that no sui generis or exceptional linguistic processes need to be postulated in order to explain the creation of these languages that have come to be labeled 'Creole': these languages were created by the same psycholinguistic mechanisms that are responsible for the creation of (I-)languages, and for linguistic diachronic patterns, everywhere else. Therefore, 'Creole' languages cannot be distinguished a priori from non-'Creole' languages on any linguistic-theoretical criteria -and 'Creole' languages can be genetically classified by the Comparative Method, on a par with non-'Creole' languages. Such assumptions go against popular claims about Creole genesis such as those ...