Muslim Demand for Territorial Autonomy in the Eastern Sri Lanka: An Analysis of Its Origin, Accommodation and the Present Stance

Abstract

Since Sri Lankan ethnic conflict was considered as a confrontation between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils, the impact of conflict and civil war on other [minority] ethnic groups has always been sidetracked by major parties involved in resolving conflict. One of the communities severely impacted but always forgotten in the discourse of resolution process is the Muslims who ever resorted to violent agitations and arm rebellion to resolve their problem and achieve their political objectives. However, the constant impact of ethnic conflict and civil war on the lives and livelihoods of the community caused them to search for political and institutional mechanism to protect them. Muslim autonomy demand has emerged on this backdrop in the middle of 1980s and has been advocated by Muslim parties and public in the discourse of ethnic politics in Sri Lanka. There has been changing dynamics, phases of acceleration and sidetracks on the advocacy of the demand. This paper aims to examine the changing dynamics of the Muslim demand for territorial autonomy in the eastern part of Sri Lanka. The study was conducted using both primary and secondary data collected from desk analysis and field survey conducted in three years. Analysis of the study is interpretive and descriptive in nature. Findings reveal that the fragmentation of Muslims politics, demerge of north-eastern province, and the new political context in eastern Sri Lanka not only caused to sidetrack the demand but also made the demand politically contested and irrelevant.

Analyzing the Contributions of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and its Founder–Leader to Muslim Politics and Community in Sri Lanka

“…However, after his active involvement in politics through the SLMC, he demanded an autonomous political unit for Muslims in the north-eastern region through the merging of all Muslim majority areas on a non-contiguous basis. The concept was not his own, but rather barrowed from the MULF which initially proposed it (Mohideen 2002;Cegu Issadeen 2006;Yusoff et al 2014b). The concept of a Muslim-majority political autonomous unit emerged in the context of proposing to merge the eastern province with the northern province as a mechanism to accommodate the autonomous interest of the Tamils.…”

“…In the process of institutionalizing and internationalizing the Muslims' issues and grievances, particularly during the peace process, the role played by this university community was remarkable. The Muslim National Revival Conference and the Oluvil Declaration, which insisted on the autonomous rights of Muslims and Muslim nationalism, were some of the remarkable events that took place at the South-Eastern University (see Jeyaraj 2003;Student Union 2003;Yusoff et al 2014b). …”

The Muslims’ Quest for a Kalmunai Administrative District in South-Eastern Sri Lanka: An Analysis of the Challenges from Their Community and Politics

“…When the People's Alliance government (1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000) attempted to resolve the ethnic conflict through sharing of political powers to regionally concentrated ethnic groups with the adaptation of a new constitution, the SLMC had also submitted its proposal on subjects particularly concerning the Muslims living in the north-eastern region. Among the SLMC's recommendations, the establishment of a Kalmunai administrative district and a non-contiguous Muslim-majority autonomous unit were prominent (See: Ameerdeen, 2006;Sarjoon, 2011& Yusoff et al, 2014 In this way, it can be argued that the SLMC leaders had actively articulated and advocated for the Kalmunai administrative district as an alternative to the autonomous power-sharing unit for Muslims. However, the SLMC leaders have failed to distinguish between these two demands.…”

“…In its cause, the SLMC proposed a non-contiguous Muslim-majority autonomous unit in the merged north-eastern province. The particular relevance of the Muslim-majority autonomous unit in regard to the proposed Kalmunai administrative district is that the territory of the proposed administrative district would also be the heartland of the Muslim-majority autonomous unit, which would cover the major Muslim pockets in the north-eastern province under it on a non-contiguous basis similar to the Pondicherry model in south India (See: Mohideen, 2001Mohideen, & 2002Shegu Issadeen, 2006;Sarjoon, 2011& Yusoff et al, 2014. Even with the changing dynamics in the whole picture of the Muslim autonomy concept and demand, the south-eastern region still remains its heartland.…”

Resettlement of Northern Muslims: A Challenge for Sustainable Post-War Development and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka

“…However, the LTTE leaders suspected the formation of a new Muslim party as it would undermine the LTTE's goal of establishing a monoethnic Tamil state in the north-eastern region. This fear was further intensified when the SLMC and Muslims in the north-eastern region called for an autonomous political unit as a power-sharing mechanism for Muslims and seriously advocated such proposal (Yusoff et al 2014b). The November 1988 election held for a merged north-eastern provincial council and the February 1989 parliamentary election proved that SLMC was emerging as a powerful force in Sri Lanka's ethnic and electoral politics.…”