Academic discussions about the political (under-)representation of women tend to focus on descriptive or substantive representationthat is, the numbers of women present in politics or the representation of so-called 'women's interests' in politics. As such, arguments in favour of increases in women's representation tend to invoke either or both of these ideas. Many, for example, argue that an increase in the descriptive representation of women (DRW) may result in an equivalent, or related, increased in the substantive representation of women (SRW) (Pitkin 1973; Lovenduski 2005; Mackay 2008), although the intricacies of what this may actually consist of are contested (Celis et al. 2008). Alternatively, the argument from justice articulates that a descriptive increase is desirable regardless of any resultant impact on substantive representation (Phillips 1995). Similarly, other arguments in favour of increased descriptive representation claim that such an increase will positively affect women, and other under-represented groups, in a symbolic way (Mansbridge 1999; Phillips 2012). As such, there are arguments that focus on substantive political outcomes as a result of any increase in the number of women in political institutions, and those that do not.