Myths and Realities of the Impact of Islam on Women: Changing Marital Status in Iran

Bahramitash, Roksana; Kazemipour, Shahla

doi:10.1080/10669920600762066

Cited by 18 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…The trend towards later marriage in Iran has been accompanied by and partly attributed to urbanisation, changes in material expectations and an imbalance in the number of marriageable men and women due to recent changes in the age structure of the population; however, improvements in female education has always been found as a very important contributing factor (see Bahramitash & Kazemipour, 2006;Mahmoudian, 2005;Torabi & Baschieri, 2010;Torabi, Baschieri, Clarke, & Abbasi-Shavazi, 2013). This is consistent with the findings of the existing demographic research around the world, suggesting that higher access of women to education has been a major source of influence on marriage (Blossfeld, 1995;Jones, 2007aJones, , 2007bJones, , 2009Pollard & Wu, 1998;Raymo, 2003;Santow & Bracher, 1994;Thornton, Fricke, Yang, & Chang, 1994).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women’s education, time use and marriage in Iran

Torabi

Abbasi-Shavazi

2016

Asian Population Studies

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In many parts of the world, higher education has increased female chances of paid work and reduced the economic benefits of marriage. In Iran, however, female labour force participation has remained in low rates despite considerable improvements in female education. In the absence of direct economic benefits of education for women, this paper uses data from the 2009 Time Use Survey, representing urban areas of Iran, to explore another pathway of the impact of education on transition to marriage. It is postulated that female education can lead to later marriage by changing women's role priorities, at least in two ways. While enrolment in education is time-consuming and incompatible with requirements of marital life, higher education can increase the chances and desire for engagement in alternatives to the roles related to marriage. The findings provide partial support for both explanations. These findings not only deepen our understanding about differentials in the time use and the potential pathway of the impact of female education on marriage, but also provide important information for policy makers who are concerned with marital and fertility behaviours of the large cohort of young educated women in Iran.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Women’s education, time use and marriage in Iran

Torabi

Abbasi-Shavazi

2016

Asian Population Studies

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“…Labor force participation is low for all women and especially if one focuses on those married and with children (Mehryar & Tajdini, 1998). Although age at marriage is rising (Abbasi‐Shavazi, Hosseini‐Chavoshi, & McDonald, 2007; Bahramitash & Kazemipour, 2006), women still marry relatively young as compared with many other low fertility countries in Southeast Asia (Jones, 2005, 2007); most women marry eventually, and there is no evidence of voluntary childlessness (Hosseini‐Chavoshi, 2007). Finally, consanguinity (marriage with relatives) has remained high (around 40%) over the last four decades (Abbasi‐Shavazi , Hosseini‐Chavoshi, & McDonald, 2008; Givens & Hirschman, 1994; Saadat, Ansari‐Lari, & Farhud, 2004; Torabi, 2006).…”

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confidence: 99%

Family Change and Continuity in Iran: Birth Control Use Before First Pregnancy

Abbasi-Shavazi

Morgan

Hossein-Chavoshi

et al. 2009

J of Marriage and Family

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Using data from the 2002 Iran Fertility Transition Survey, we examined birth control use between marriage and first pregnancy. We focused on the post-1990 increase in birth control use and develop two explanations. The first posits that birth control use reflects a new marriage form, the conjugal marriage, which places a heightened value on the spousal relationship while deemphasizing the centrality of parenthood. A second explanation stresses the use of a new resource, effective birth control, within an Iranian-Islamist view of marriage. Key to this explanation is the role of the state -Iranian political/religious actors encourage early marriage and the use of birth control. Although the explanations could be complementary, evidence provides more support for the latter.Keywords birth control; family change; Iran; Islamic; population policy; pregnancy interval Aspects of Iranian family and gender have changed dramatically; examples include the most rapid fertility decline ever observed, from over six births to slightly above two in the 1985 -2000 period (Abbasi-Shavazi, 2002;Aghajanian & Mehryar, 1999), and then to 1.9 in 2006(Abbasi-Shavazi, McDonald, & Hosseini-Chavoshi, 2009. Also, women's literacy level has increased dramatically (from 36% in 1976 to 80% in 2006), and women who successfully pass university entrance exams now outnumber men (Abdollahyan, 2004). But equally striking is the stability of other traditional patterns. Labor force participation is low for all women and especially if one focuses on those married and with children (Mehryar & Tajdini, 1998). Although age at marriage is rising (Abbasi-Shavazi, Hosseini-Chavoshi, & McDonald, 2007;Bahramitash & Kazemipour, 2006), women still marry relatively young as compared with many other low fertility countries in Southeast Asia Abbasi-Shavazi and Morgan contributed equally to the paper and share first authorship. NIH Public Access NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript (Jones, 2005(Jones, , 2007; most women marry eventually, and there is no evidence of voluntary childlessness (Hosseini-Chavoshi, 2007). Finally, consanguinity (marriage with relatives) has remained high (around 40%) over the last four decades (Abbasi-Shavazi, Hosseini-Chavoshi, & McDonald, 2008;Givens & Hirschman, 1994;Saadat, Ansari-Lari, & Farhud, 2004; Torabi, 2006). How can we understand this mixture of family change and stability in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the world's most visible theocracy?Our empirical focus is on a small component of family and fertility change, the length of the interval between marriage and first pregnancy (or first birth). This focus is not driven by the importance of this change in accounting for the dramatic fertility decline noted above-in this respect the lengthening of the period to first pregnancy is trivial (see Hosseini-Chavoshi, McDonald, & Abbasi-Shavazi, 2006). Rather we concentrated on the first pregnancy interval because of its substantive importance as a possible marker of the changing nature o...

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“…Afshari (2012) contradicts Osanloo's approach, and claims that it fails to provide meaningful guidelines for the study of human rights in Iran. Bahramitash and Kazemipour(2006) challenge the 'Westerners' stereotypical views on women in Iran and assert that the Islamic doctrine has little impact on the evolution of Iranian women to social positions while unmarried, marry at a higher age, and self-reliant on choosing a husband.…”

Section: A Review Of the Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

Emerging Profiles of Female Marketing Managers in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Winning and Losing Competitive Laps in a Relay Race against Male Counterparts

Safavi¹

2013

IJMS

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In Western economies the theories and paradigms of marketing management are developed on the basis of prevailing resources and environments with little, if any, consideration of the personal characteristics of the implementers. In many non-Western cultures, however, personalities of the implementers affect the design and execution of marketing strategies and tactics. This paper views the emerging roles of the young and inspiring female executives in shaping the marketing practices of the state-owned and private enterprises in the Islamic Republic of Iran. It examines the deep-rooted constraints that the female marketing managers have been subjected to at various stages of their employment process, including preparation, employment access, retention, and promotion to the position of marketing executives in organizations which have been traditionally governed by men. As the women have recently succeeded in occupying more university seats than their counterparts, a race has begun to capture key positions in the marketing organizations and break the glass ceiling in competition with their male counterparts. Using the metaphor of a relay race, the author has studied the performance of the Iranian women at each lap under the prevailing constraints and opportunities. A longitudinal study of Iranian women entering Tehran University during the period of 1999-2012, encompassing admission data, scientific preparation, job application, organizational culture, and external communications has been made in a series of field research. A model is developed to portray success and failure of the women at each lap (stage) of their marketing management functions.

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Myths and Realities of the Impact of Islam on Women: Changing Marital Status in Iran

Cited by 18 publications

References 7 publications

Women’s education, time use and marriage in Iran

Women’s education, time use and marriage in Iran

Family Change and Continuity in Iran: Birth Control Use Before First Pregnancy

Emerging Profiles of Female Marketing Managers in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Winning and Losing Competitive Laps in a Relay Race against Male Counterparts

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