Time to interrogate corporate interests in public health? A healthy population is a public good, and in most countries, there is a consensus that it is in everybody's interests that services such as vaccinations, environmental health inspectors, sexual health provision, health promotion, or emergency planning are funded through taxation. There is, broadly, a trust in public bodies to act in ways that protect the health of the public. However, this is potentially undermined by the increasingly 'mixed economy' of public health provision (Garnett, Baeza, Trenholm, Gulliford, & Green, 2018). Public health has increasingly become the business of big (and small) business. Corporate interests in public health are diverse. Some are straightforwardly utilitarian. A healthy workforce is an efficient workforce, and it is no surprise to find growing investments in corporate well-being programmes, or in workplace health insurance linked to healthy lifestyles. Other industries create positive public health effects as a by-product of unrelated profit-maximisation strategies. Car insurers, for instance, increasingly use telematic technologies ('black boxes') so they can open up markets for young drivers. These maximise efficient management of insurance risks, and potentially generate data that can be profitably sold on, but also potentially create a public health pay-off, if telematics prove to be a more effective method of reducing road injuries than traditional public health approaches. Corporations of course also aim to shape public health policy (Williams & Nestle., 2015). In the UK, Public Health England recently came under fire from public health practitioners for planning an alcohol reduction campaign with Drinkaware, a charity whose aim is to 'make better choices about drinking'. Drinkaware is funded by the alcohol industry. Like other so-called 'harmful commodity' industriestobacco and fast food corporationsthe alcohol industry makes profits from goods which damage health. Rising concern about the role of these commodities in causing noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) led the Lancet NCD Action Group (Moodie et al., 2013) to state that collaboration with industry was both unethical and ineffective, given there were no incentives to reduce profits through self-regulation. Public Health England's decision, then, raised both ethical issues and concern about damage to credibility, as well as questions about likely effectiveness. Others, however, have taken a more pragmatic approach to industry collaboration. For instance, recent contributors to debates in the journal Addiction (Hughes et al., 2019) defended the usefulness of working with tobacco companies on less-risky alternatives to smoking, given that harm reduction is in line with public health goals. As Herrick (2016) has argued, focusing on such 'ideological schisms' hampers our ability to develop a detailed, empirical understanding of exactly what effects corporate behaviour does have on health. A focus on ethical debates about funding from specific industries hides a ra...