Nasalization as a Repair for Voiced Obstruent Codas in Noon

Abstract

The Senegalese language Noon exhibits a pattern by which the voiced stop phonemes /b, d, ɟ, g/ surface as nasals [m, n ɲ, ŋ] in coda position, undergoing complete neutralization with /m, n, ɲ, ŋ/. This allophonic alternation can be seen as a repair to the cross-linguistic constraint against voiced obstruents in coda position. However, the only otherwise attested repair to this marked structure is devoicing. Why should devoicing be so overwhelmingly preferred to other logical alternatives such as nasalization or gliding? Steriade (2008) answers this question with reference to her P-Map hypothesis, arguing that a [b~p] alternation is preferred because the perceptual distance between these sounds is less in this environment than between [b] and [m]; in essence, the synchronic system prefers a repair that changes a sound as little as possible, as determined by perceptual distinctness. The Noon facts are a clear counter-example to this prediction, and challenge any answer to the above question which requires synchronic systems to prefer the most "phonetically natural" repair.

Laryngeal contrasts in second language phonology

“…A stronger challenge to the universality of final devoicing is posed by the facts of Noon, a Cangin language of Senegal. Merrill (2015) provides evidence that Noon systematically nasalizes voiced stops that are brought into coda position by morpheme concatenation: 7Northern Noon (Merrill 2015) bare verb perfect -in a. nasal-final tam tam-in 'be hot' an an-in 'drink' daõ daõ-in 'be viscous' b. stop-final tam tab-in 'be forbidden' man mad-in 'resemble' daõ dag-in 'be taut'…”

Complex diachronies of final nasalization in Austronesian and Dakota

“…Nonetheless, synchronic systems that repair the marked configuration of a voiced stop in the word-final position (*D#) with nasalization have been recently reported in Noon (Cangin) (Merrill 2015) and a number of Austronesian languages (Blust 2005;. Merrill (2015) demonstrates that Noon's final nasalization arose through a combination of sound changes. Specifically, Proto-Cangin prenasalized stops (*ND) denasalized intervocalically (> D / V _ V) and deoralized word-finally (> N / _ #).…”

“…We maintain that while phonetically unnatural phonological processes (e.g. Coetzee & Pretorius 2010;Hyman 2001;Beguš et al 2022;Dąbkowski 2023;Beguš & Dąbkowski 2023;Merrill 2015) may arise via a set of sound changes or analogical extension, regular sound changes are always phonetically motivated.…”

“…In addition, we have also proposed a new explanation for the development of unnatural final voicing in Lakota.Our findings bear on the division of labor and the role of phonetic naturalness in diachrony and synchrony. While unnatural phonological processes are attested (e.g Hyman 2001;Coetzee & Pretorius 2010;Merrill 2015;Beguš 2020;2022;Beguš et al 2022;Beguš & Dąbkowski 2023;.…”