Natchez Class and Rank Reconsidered

White, Dougľas R.; Murdock, George Peter; Scaglion, Richard

doi:10.2307/3773172

Cited by 13 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…We should also be cautious in selecting aberrant societies within regions. For instance, the historic descriptions of Natchez kinship (Le Page du Pratz 1758;White et al 1971) are so unique to the U.S. Southeast (either due to European fantasy, historic change, or simply difference) that they provide a poor choice for modeling kinship and social organization in the prehispanic Lower Mississippi Valley-unless similar uniqueness can be established. Analogical inferences may be better served by cross-cultural ethnological analyses correlating material manifestations of social organization with those in the archaeological record (e.g., Ember and Ember 1995), precisely because kinship changes within any one culture.…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Kinship Theory in Archaeology: From Critiques to the Study of Transformations

Ensor

2011

Am. antiq.

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Kinship theory is argued to be an important aspect of social dynamics in past societies. However, archaeological critiques of kinship have suggested that descent and residence models are ideological constructs not associated with socioeconomic behavior, that social anthropologists believe normative kinship rules are rarely practiced, and that the models are biased by Western assumptions of biological relatedness. These critiques ignore the past several decades of kinship research. A review of kinship theory demonstrates sophisticated holistic approaches to socioeconomic behavior and ideology that are not based on biological assumptions, and that historic and ongoing social disruptions and political economic transformations have significantly altered kinship behavior. Furthermore, empirical data demonstrate adherence to kinship rules prior to historic transformations. The fact that kinship changes is argued to be the source of confusion leading to the critiques in archaeological literature but is also argued to present an opportunity for archaeologists to explain social transformations in the deep past.

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Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Kinship Theory in Archaeology: From Critiques to the Study of Transformations

Ensor

2011

Am. antiq.

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“…2 Remark 1. We observe that (14) seems not to be related to (5) and (8). Though the latter can be inferred from the former indirectly, since C is closed and e can be obtained as the limit of iterations of (A/α 5 ) kx as k → ∞ withx ∈ C, we also provide a direct proof.…”

Section: Hencementioning

confidence: 67%

“…Since the Natchez civilization existed for several hundred years, according to [6], the Swanton model is biologically impossible. There were several attempts to explain this paradox, ranging from questioning the class inheritance rules to proposing dierent reproduction rates in each class, see [7,8]. A rst mathematical account of the latter approach can be found in [2, pp.…”

Section: The Modelmentioning

confidence: 99%

Population Models with Projection Matrix with Some Negative Entries - A Solution to the Natchez Paradox

Banasiak¹

2018

Bulletin of the SUSU. MMP

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In this note we consider the population the model of which, derived on the basis of ethnographical accounts, includes a projection matrix with both positive and negative entries. Interpreting the eventually negative tra jectories as representing the collapse of the population, we use some classical tools from convex analysis to determine a cone containing the initial conditions that give rise to the persistence of both the population and its social structure.

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“…The elite versus non-elite dichotomy used in this study is admittedly a simplified model of American Bottom Mississippian society, since there were undoubtedly gradations in rank within each of the two identified social strata. Such gradations were present, for example, in the historical Natchez social hierarchy that was composed of two principal classes (Du Pratz 1972;White et al 1971). The rather gross division used in this study, however, permits a grouping for comparative purposes of the known, but usually poorly documented, American Bottom cemeteries.…”

Section: American Bottom Mississippian Cemeteriesmentioning

confidence: 88%

Social and Temporal Implications of Variation among American Bottom Mississippian Cemeteries

Milner

1984

Am. antiq.

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Mississippian period cemeteries in the American Bottom, Illinois, were divided into three categories representing two distinct social strata. Burial areas for an elite stratum occurred in large, regionally important town-and-mound centers. Locational, organizational, and artifactual criteria distinguish these burial areas from those of a non-elite social stratum. Members of the non-elite social stratum were buried either in cemeteries located within regional centers or in peripherally located cemeteries associated with outlying communities. Mortuary practices in the American Bottom changed somewhat during the several hundred year duration of the Mississippian period. These changes were particularly apparent at peripheral cemeteries. The size and distribution of these cemeteries were related to levels of regional social segmentation and settlement autonomy, which changed throughout the Mississippian period.

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Natchez Class and Rank Reconsidered

Cited by 13 publications

References 18 publications

Kinship Theory in Archaeology: From Critiques to the Study of Transformations

Kinship Theory in Archaeology: From Critiques to the Study of Transformations

Population Models with Projection Matrix with Some Negative Entries - A Solution to the Natchez Paradox

Social and Temporal Implications of Variation among American Bottom Mississippian Cemeteries

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