National Immigration and Integration Policies in Europe Since 1973

Configurations of Immigrant Integration Policies in Europe: An Exploratory Appraisal

“…As understood by the national models theory, this model provides immigrants an easy access to the labor market, granting them most related social rights: a depiction that contrasts strongly with the strategy associated with the first cluster. This seems rather to match the Central-Eastern regime depicted by Doomernik and Bruquetas-Callejo (2016). According to their argument, most of the states in this region share analogous historical trajectories, marked by a Soviet past and small percentages of foreign population.…”

“…the netherlands, sweden, and the united Kingdom have been usually recognized as eminent examples of such a model (see, for example, Hooghe and reeskens 2009). the differential exclusionist model, traditionally represented by germany, incorporates immigrants into certain spheres of life, but excludes them from others (Doomernik and Bruquetas-Callejo 2016). following a labor-oriented approach combined with an ethnic conception of the nation, this approach to integration favors immigrants' inclusion in the labor market, but precludes their incorporation into the democratic polity.…”

Immigration Italian Style, 1977–2018

“…What some scholars consider a regime of control (or lack thereof)typical of Southern Europe-emerged (Brochmann and Hammar 1999;Baldwin-Edwards and Arango 1999;Sciortino 2004;Finotelli and Sciortino 2009;Doomernick and Jandel 2008;Gonzalez-Enriquez and Triandafyllidou 2009;Doomernick and Bruquetas Callejo 2016;Penninx 2016). Unlike the countries of Western and Northern Europe, Southern European countries have been unable or unwilling to adopt active entry policies, rather preferring a "back door entrance" policy, which amounts to relinquishing control, allowing spontaneous matching between demand and supply of labor.…”

The Citizenship Gap in European Societies: Conceptualizing, Measuring and Comparing ‘Migration Neutrality’ across the EU

“…Nothing like a “three worlds of migrant integration” – in the vein of Castles’ () famous distinction between “differential exclusion”, “assimilation” and “pluralist” models – shows up empirically. Equally, typologies revolving around regional specificities do not help much in this instance (Doomernik and Bruquetas‐Callejo, ). At best, one can contrast four ideal types that are approximated by polar national cases: the high “absolute and relative” risk of poverty for immigrants (Belgium); the high “absolute but not relative” risk situation (Greece); the low “absolute and relative” risk configuration (Germany, Ireland, UK); the high “relative but not absolute” risk of poverty case (Denmark and Sweden).…”