Nationalist multiculturalism in late imperial Austria as a critique of contemporary liberalism: The case of Bauer and renner

Nimni, Ephraim

doi:10.1080/13569319908420800

Cited by 33 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 17 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…45 Dans son analyse, Giovanni Quer (2013) parle des pays orientaux (l'Irak, le Liban ou Israël) dans lesquels un tel système sans référence territoriale semble bien fonctionner. Un autre exemple (Nimni 1999(Nimni et 2005 Au niveau politique, ceci signifie non seulement que les minorités nationales ne sont pas susceptibles d'être pacifiées par un système fédératif, mais il faut rejeter le concept de révolution également, en tant qu'expression de la dichotomie entre « minorité » et « majorité ».…”

Section: « Déterritorialisation » Des Droits : Pratique Et Philosophieunclassified

Droit et géographie

Paksy

2016

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Section: « Déterritorialisation » Des Droits : Pratique Et Philosophieunclassified

Droit et géographie

Paksy

2016

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…8 For the notion of a floating signifier, see Mehlman (1972). 9 On the contemporary validity of the model see Smith and Cordell (2008), Roach (2005) and Nimni (1999). 10 Singapore and Slovakia are rare exceptions.…”

Section: Culture and Multination Statesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Self-Determination: A Paradigm Shift

Nimni¹

2010

After the Nation?

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

An ongoing paradigm shift is giving birth to a more multidimensional understanding of the relationship between nationalism, sovereignty, self-determination and democratic governance. A common element among the various versions of the new paradigm is the dispersal of democratic governance across multiple and overlapping jurisdictions. Governmental processes are no longer seen as discrete, centralised and homogenous (as in the old nation-state model) but as asymmetrical, multilayered, multicultural and devolved into multiple jurisdictions. These changes have hardly affected the two main conceptual frameworks that dominate the study of nationalism: modernism and ethnosymbolism. As a result, these frameworks risk becoming irrelevant to the new forms of national self-determination, asymmetrical governance and shared sovereignty. Modernism and ethnosymbolism insist that nationalism seeks to equate the nation with a sovereign state, while in reality the overwhelming majority of nations are stateless and unable to build nation states because they often inhabit territories shared with other nations. The paradigm shift occurs through the realisation that nation-state sovereignty is no longer a feasible solution to the demands of stateless nations. Ethnosymbolism is in a much better position to adapt to the paradigm shift provided it abandons the claim that the nation state is the best shell for the nation. The Transformation of the Politics of Ethnicity and CultureWe have grown accustomed to understand nations as axiomatically connected with states. In many cases, particularly in common parlance, we tend to understand the nation as indistinguishable from the state. However, these misleading assumptions have been challenged extensively by events in the last thirty years or so.On the one hand, we are experiencing a devaluation of the nation state as a model for national emancipation; not only because democratic nation states are devolving power internally and externally to regional forms of organisation, but crucially because many democratic nation states have begun transferring jurisdictions to devolved regional governments that in many cases embody

show abstract

“…Cultural autonomy exercised through minority councils separates ethnically defined policy areas concerning "the cultural, linguistic, ethnic, or religious matters of a minority group" (Stroschein 2003, 10) from policy areas affecting all citizens alike. The idea of granting national-cultural autonomy on a personal rather than territorial basis can be traced back to debates in Imperial Austria and was originally developed in the writings of the Austro-Marxists Karl Renner and Otto Bauer (Nimni 1999). In both the historical and the contemporary debate, cultural self-government has been praised for providing ethnic groups with a means to self-determination in policy areas that are particularly relevant for preserving their ethno-cultural identity, while avoiding the incentives for separatism that are commonly associated with territorial solutions (Bieber 1999, 91;Stroschein 2003, 10;Nimni 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Representative claims and expected gains. Minority council elections and intra-ethnic competition in Serbia

Zuber

Muś

2013

East European Politics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article examines the first direct elections to minority councils in Serbia. It seeks to build hypotheses on the interplay between minority council elections and the overall patterns of intraethnic party competition in divided societies. Following an introduction to minority politics in Serbia, the authors analyse the campaign for the Bosniak and the Hungarian minority council. Evidence from field research suggests that minority council elections reflect the situation of intra-ethnic competition and provide an additional arena for ethnic outbidding for new ethnic parties.

show abstract

Nationalist multiculturalism in late imperial Austria as a critique of contemporary liberalism: The case of Bauer and renner

Cited by 33 publications

References 17 publications

Droit et géographie

Droit et géographie

Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Self-Determination: A Paradigm Shift

Representative claims and expected gains. Minority council elections and intra-ethnic competition in Serbia

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About