Native-Place Networks and Political Mobilization: The Case of Post-Handover Hong Kong

Abstract

<jats:p> Native-place associations have played an indispensable role in the global migration of ethnic Chinese. Although there has been growing attention to their political role in advancing the Chinese state’s interests, few studies have looked into how they are organized and how they operate vis-à-vis the state. This article focuses on post-handover Hong Kong, where native-place associations, despite their long presence, are still growing in number and sophistication after the 1997 handover. It posits that native-place associations there are forming a “cultural nexus” through which the Chinese state fosters political mobilization in support of its interests and policies. Based on an original set of event and biographical data, it shows that native-place associations are consolidating into a massive network connected by power-seeking elites. It also demonstrates how these associations seek to renew the significance of native-place and national identities. The findings point to how native-place associations may serve as a powerful cultural space for the Chinese state to project its influence offshore. </jats:p>

The Chinese Communist Party: A 100-Year Trajectory

“…As a result, local officials are frequently invited to Hong Kong as officiating guests for the various activities of these hometown associations, such as inauguration ceremonies and annual celebrations of key political dates. Their travel tours to their hometowns in the mainland are often accompanied by meetings with local government officials and learning sessions (Yuen 2021). Interactions that involved social organisations were particularly frequent, and they all suddenly surged in 2009, which was likely because many new social organisations, particularly hometown associations, were established in that year, as suggested by Figure 15.2.…”

“…This pattern serves as a proxy to illustrate the organisational proliferation of social organisations through united front work. Recent studies show that leaders of social organisations tend to interact with CLO officials because these officials are responsible for nominating seats in national and regional people's congresses and consultative conferences (Yuen 2021). Their business interests in the mainland are also better protected with these official titles, which explains why they are interested in being coopted and often try to use sponsorship of these social organisations and community events to strengthen their ties with mainland officials.…”

From Making Friends to Countering Threats: The Changing Contours of United Front Work in Hong Kong

“…As a result, local officials are frequently invited to Hong Kong as officiating guests for the various activities of these hometown associations, such as inauguration ceremonies and annual celebrations of key political dates. Their travel tours to their hometowns in the mainland are often accompanied by meetings with local government officials and learning sessions (Yuen 2021).…”

The Institutional Foundation of Countermobilization: Elites and Pro-Regime Grassroots Organizations in Post-Handover Hong Kong

“…These elites are nominated to the board of directors of grassroots organizations for different reasons. Some are nominated because of their existing social status, others due to their experience as members of the organization, their length of service or their generous donations (Yuen 2021). 2 However, to leverage them as bridges to the masses, these elites must be incentivized to become willing to incur the costs of those mobilization tasks.…”

“…The construction and expansion of this network of grassroots organizations – which enables timely and effective countermobilization – is facilitated by a group of elites who act as the intermediary between state and society. As shown in the above examples, by serving as directors of grassroots organizations, societal elites, many of whom are business people and professionals, are in a position to mobilize members en masse, often through stoking their nationalistic identity or conservative orientation, whenever there is a political need to do so (Yuen 2021). While members can be mobilized through shared values and native-place or other social ties, elites also provide selective incentives through their donations to foster members' participation, such as by providing transport or offering sumptuous meals after protest events.…”