Negation and Indefinites in Maori

Pearce, Elizabeth

doi:10.1075/cilt.155.14pea

Cited by 48 publications

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“…A more transparent rendering into English would be 'What has been left behind by the child? ', although the Māori examples involve neuter/stative verbs rather than passives.8 The distribution of he-indefinites is restricted in Māori: (i) they can only be subjects, (ii) they cannot be external arguments, and (iii) they always take narrow scope (seeChung 1978;Polinsky 1992;Chung, Mason & Milroy 1995;Pearce 1997;Chung & Ladusaw 2004 for detailed discussion).…”

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“…In Māori, such fronting is found with time adverbials, questions, negation and in some subordinating contexts. However, whilst such fronting is preferred, it is not obligatory (seeChung 1978;Bauer 1993;Pearce 1997; de Lacy 1999). The optionality of subject fronting speaks against a possible analysis suggested by an anonymous reviewer whereby, in examples with time adverbials, the predicate phrase would remain low, allowing the time adverbial to occupy the position that the predicate phrase would otherwise have occupied.19 WinifredBauer (p.c.)…”

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Māori subject extraction

Douglas

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper focuses on subject extraction in Māori, the indigenous Polynesian language of New Zealand. Māori has a range of verbal and non-verbal predicate constructions. I argue that, whilst subject topicalisation is generally permitted in all constructions, subject questioning is restricted (see Bauer 1993; 1997). More specifically, I claim that subject questioning is permitted in verbal and prepositional predicate constructions, but prohibited in nominal predicate constructions, all else being equal (see also de Lacy 1999). I adopt and defend a cleft analysis of questions according to which the questioned constituent is the matrix predicate phrase and the matrix subject is a headless relative clause (Bauer 1991; 1993; 1997). I propose that the restriction on subject questioning results from intervention in this headless relative clause. I argue that the C head probes for a nominal feature rather than a traditional Aʹ-feature. Consequently, nominal predicate phrases intervene with Aʹ-movement of the subject, whilst verbal and prepositional predicate phrases do not. My analysis suggests that Aʹ-movement is generally triggered using nominal features in Māori. I discuss this proposal from an emergentist perspective, i.e. one where formal features are not innately pre-specified but rather emerge during language acquisition guided by the Third Factor cognitive bias to "

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Māori subject extraction

Douglas

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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VSO and VOS: Aspects of Niuean Word Order, 2000

2013

An Annotated Syntax Reader ‐ Lasting Insights and Questions

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The Oxford Handbook of Negation

Déprez¹,

Espinal

2020

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In this volume, international experts in negation provide a comprehensive overview of cross-linguistic and philosophical research in the field, as well as accounts of more recent results from experimental linguistics, psycholinguistics, and neuroscience. The volume adopts an interdisciplinary approach to fundamental questions ranging from why negation displays so many distinct linguistic forms to how prosody and gesture participate in the interpretation of negative utterances. Following an introduction from the editors, the chapters are arranged in eight parts that explore, respectively, the fundamentals of negation; issues in syntax; the syntax–semantics interface; semantics and pragmatics; negative dependencies; synchronic and diachronic variation; the emergence and acquisition of negation; and experimental investigations of negation. The volume will be an essential reference for students and researchers across a wide range of disciplines, and will facilitate further interdisciplinary work in the field.

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Negation and Indefinites in Maori

Cited by 48 publications

References 0 publications

Māori subject extraction

Māori subject extraction

VSO and VOS: Aspects of Niuean Word Order, 2000

The Oxford Handbook of Negation

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