2011
DOI: 10.5617/osla.43
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Negation and Polarity in the Greek, Gothic, Classical Armenian, and Old Church Slavic Gospels

Abstract: This paper presents a preliminary analysis of the comparative syntax of negation in the Greek gospels as well as the Gothic, Classical Armenian, and Old Church Slavic versions translated from the Greek. In addition to the issue of negation per se, I will examine the employment of negative polarity items that occur in the various clause types we will investigate.

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Cited by 2 publications
(6 citation statements)
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“…Goth. þan in (27b) is not the clause‐initial temporal demonstrative ‘then’ but rather the second‐position discourse articulator (Klein, in preparation).…”
Section: Nonadversative žEmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Goth. þan in (27b) is not the clause‐initial temporal demonstrative ‘then’ but rather the second‐position discourse articulator (Klein, in preparation).…”
Section: Nonadversative žEmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Each of these passages involves pure narrative sequence, in (23c) extending over three consecutive verses. Aside from iþ , the Gothic renditions corresponding to že in these passages include ‐[u]h þan , a discourse foregrounding marker of narrative sequence (Klein 1994, in preparation), and nih , the final segment of which represents a simple post‐negation conjunction ( *ne k w e , cf. Klein & Condon 1993: 47–51).…”
Section: Nonadversative žEmentioning
confidence: 99%
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