Negotiating the Digital Transformation of Work: Non-Standard Workers’ Voice, Collective Rights and Mobilisation Practices in the Platform Economy

Abstract

This paper attempts to grapple with the collective dimension of the phenomenon of the digital transformation of work. In particular, it explores the relevant legal framework, as well as practical obstacles and concrete responses to the process of "platformisation" of labour. It questions why and for what collective bargaining may be a viable tool to "negotiate" the direction(s) of this paradigm shift. In particular, it focuses on institutional approaches that pursue inclusive and engaging strategies aimed at organising across labour market segments. It also discusses the extent to which trade unions are interested in the fate of non-standard workers, what strategies they follow and what tools they employ. At the same time, it maps other actions and initiatives carried out by self-organised groups. It focuses on the actors and factors which either hinder or facilitate the development of solidarity. The topic of mobilisation has been a central interest of academics in the fields of industrial relations, labour sociology and social movement studies. By adopting an empirical approach and a crossdisciplinary analytical lens, this work places itself at the crossroads of these disciplines. The paper is organised as follows. After providing an outline of the main implications of the spread of new technologies and its impacts on employment relationships, part 2 explores the legal framework regulating collective rights, by considering a number of supranational systems of regulation and discussing the potential impediments arising from a narrow interpretation of antitrust immunities and restrictions. However, practical, in addition to legal, obstacles hamper or make less attractive the exercise of fundamental freedoms for non-standard workers. Accordingly, after describing current difficulties, principal actors, key actions and success factors in a selection of European countries, part 3 assesses recent initiatives and achievements. Finally, part 4 sets out the paper's key conclusions by estimating future developments and offering policy pointers.

Riders, Rights and Collective Action

“…Transportation, food delivery and care-work platforms show certain emerging discursive and associational power sources [45]. Delivery workers with their branded backpacks and vehicles are visible and often meet in urban hotspots and waiting areas, while care-workers often form strong personal ties with their clients.…”

Conceptualizing the Gig Economy and Its Regulatory Problems

“…Those who consider only independent contractors to be part of the gig economy ignore the simple empirical fact that some online platforms, like Deliveroo, started off by employing their riders and only switched to using independent contractors later on (Zekic, 2019). Other platforms, such as Hilfr in Denmark, pioneered a hybrid model in 2019 where workers start with independent contractor status but can opt for employee status after 100 hours of work (Aloisi, 2019). And in Germany, platforms for delivery services, such as Lieferando, offer highly flexible employment contracts where riders are paid by the hour (including their waiting time).…”

“…In 2018, the service‐sector union 3 F signed a collective agreement with the platform Hilfr, which is active in the care sector. Gig workers can decide to opt in to become an employee of the platform (enjoying a minimum wage, holiday pay, sick pay, and a contribution to their pension savings) once they have worked for Hilfr for 100 hours, or they can decide to opt out (Aloisi, 2019). However, collective wage bargaining by gig workers may meet resistance in competition law, given their status as independent contractors in most countries (Daskalova, 2018).…”

Las relaciones laborales en la economía de plataformas

“…Las plataformas de transporte, entrega de comida y cuidado muestran ciertas fuentes emergentes de poder discursivo y asociativo (Aloisi 2019). Los trabajadores de reparto con sus mochilas y vehículos de marca son visibles y, a menudo, se encuentran en zonas urbanas y puntos de espera, mientras que los trabajadores de cuidado a menudo establecen fuertes lazos personales con sus clientes.…”

“…Nuestro análisis de fuentes de poder ha revelado la importancia de la imagen pública y la marca de las plataformas como una base específica, sobre la cual se puede desarrollar la acción colectiva y la presión a favor del reconocimiento de los derechos laborales y sociales de los trabajadores de plataformas. Hasta qué punto el trabajo de plataformas representa una forma extrema de una tendencia general hacia la 'plataformización', 'uberización' o 'precarización' de nuestras economías (Aloisi 2019;Huws et al 2017, 48;Standing 2011; Herod y Lambert 2016) sigue siendo una pregunta abierta, al igual que la posibilidad de encontrar nuevas formas de auto-organización colectiva fuera de los sindicatos tradicionales. Examinando los dos procesos, la difusión de estas prácticas de trabajo en los mercados laborales en general y el surgimiento de nuevas formas de acción colectiva flexible y auto-organización comunitaria en red, hemos encontrado evidencia empírica para su posible desarrollo en ambas direcciones.…”