Neighborhood Disinvestment, Abandonment, and Crime Dynamics

Raleigh, Erica; Galster, George

doi:10.1111/juaf.12102

Cited by 101 publications

(52 citation statements)

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“…For instance while individuals may travel away from their immediate neighbourhoods to commit crime, evidence suggests that these distances are not great (Meaney, 2004;Hipp and Yates, 2009;Raleigh and Galster, 2012), and where affluent areas border more deprived areas, the former suffer more crime than expected (Bowers and Hirschfield 1999). While datazone borders have been created to represent neighbourhoods, these borders are not physical barriers, and therefore are susceptible to influence from neighbouring datazones.…”

Section: Spatial Lag Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Taking a context perspective, the rational-choice view of crime implies that neighbourhoods where potential offenders are presented with perceptibly greater benefits and/or lesser costs or probability of being caught, will generate more crime. Thus, neighborhoods having notably lax law enforcement, many vacant properties as potential venues, or low population densities offering fewer potential reporters of crime, would be expected to encourage the commission of crimes (see Roncek 1981;Spelman 1993;Krivo and Peterson 1996;and Raleigh and Galster (2012).…”

Section: Background Potential Mechanisms For Neighbourhoods Affectingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Thus, different neighbourhood contexts may provide different "proximity to motivated offenders, exposure to high-risk environments, and target attractiveness" (Miethe and Meier 1994, 40). Neighbourhoods containing many young adults or drinking establishments may encourage criminality because of the risk-taking life-styles of residents and an alcohol-induced vulnerability that yields a ready supply of potential victims (Raleigh and Galster 2012).…”

Section: Background Potential Mechanisms For Neighbourhoods Affectingmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Criminal Neighbourhoods: Does the Density of Prior Offenders in an Area Encourage others to Commit Crime?

et al. 2014

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Using crime data over a period of a decade for Glasgow, this paper explores whether the density of prior offenders in a neighbourhoods has an influence on the propensity of others to (re)commence offending. The study shows that the number of 'newly active' offenders in a neighbourhood in the current quarter is positively associated with the density of prior offenders for both violent and property crime from the previous two years. In the case of 'newly active' property offenders, the relationship with active prior offenders is only apparent when prior offender counts exceed the median. The paper postulates that intraneighbourhood social mechanisms may be at work to create these effects. The results suggest that policies which concentrate offenders in particular neighbourhoods may increase the number of 'newly active' offenders, and point to evidence of a threshold at which these effects take place.

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Section: Spatial Lag Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Background Potential Mechanisms For Neighbourhoods Affectingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Background Potential Mechanisms For Neighbourhoods Affectingmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Criminal Neighbourhoods: Does the Density of Prior Offenders in an Area Encourage others to Commit Crime?

et al. 2014

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“…There are studies that have explored more fine-grained temporal changes in crime rates, although they often are limited in the temporal granularity (i.e., how frequently they are measured) of their key independent variables of interest (Raleigh and Galster 2014). For example, studies that measure socio-demographic characteristics of neighborhoods often rely on census based measures that are only measured at decadal points.…”

Section: Consequences Of Neighborhood Change: Changes In Crime Ratesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fast and slow change in neighbourhoods: characterization and consequences in Southern California

Hipp

Branic

2017

International Journal of Urban Sciences

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BioJohn R. Hipp is a Professor in the departments of Criminology, Law and Society, and Sociology, at the University of California Irvine. His research interests focus on how neighborhoods change over time, how that change both affects and is affected by neighborhood crime, and the role networks and institutions play in that change. He approaches these questions using quantitative methods as well as social network analysis. He has published substantive work in such journals as American Sociological Review, Criminology, Social Forces, Social Problems, Mobilization, City & Community, Urban Studies and Journal of Urban Affairs. He has published methodological work in such journals as Sociological Methodology, Psychological Methods, and Structural Equation Modeling. Nicholas Branic is a graduate student in the department of Criminology, Law and Society at the University of California Irvine.3 Fast and slow change in neighborhoods: Characterization and consequences in Southern California AbstractDue to data limitations, most studies of neighborhood change within regions assume that change over the years of a decade is relatively constant from year-to-year. We use data on home loan information to construct annual measures of key socio-demographic measures in neighborhoods (census tracts) in the Southern California region from 2000-10 to test this assumption. We use latent trajectory modeling to describe the extent to which neighborhood change exhibits temporal nonlinearity, rather than a constant rate of change from year to year.There were four key findings: 1) we detected nonlinear temporal change across all sociodemographic dimensions, as a quadratic function better fit the data than a linear one in the latent trajectories; 2) neighborhoods experiencing more nonlinear temporality also experienced larger overall changes in percent Asian, percent black, and residential stability during the decade; neighborhoods experiencing an increase in Latinos or a decrease in whites experienced more temporal nonlinearity in this change; 3) the strongest predictor of racial/ethnic temporal nonlinearity was a larger presence of the group at the beginning of the decade; however, the racial and SES composition of the surrounding area, as well as how this was changing in the prior decade, also affected the degree of temporal nonlinearity in the current decade; 4) this temporal nonlinearity has consequences for neighborhoods: greater temporal nonlinear change in percent black or Latino was associated with larger increases in violent and property crime during the decade, and the temporal pattern of residential turnover or changing average income impacted changes in crime. The usual assumption of constant year-to-year change when interpolating neighborhood measures over intervening years may not be appropriate.1 Fast and slow change in neighborhoods: Characterization and consequences in Southern CaliforniaNeighborhoods are important contexts for the daily lives of individuals and have therefore been the focus of considerable scholarship....

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“…Vacant units can act as crime generators (Boessen and Hipp 2015;Roncek 1981), and therefore it follows that cities or regions with high vacancy rates would be expected to have higher crime rates (Hipp 2011a). The prototypical example of this is the city of Detroit in recent years, in which high vacancy rates have coincided with increasing crime rates (Galster 2012;Raleigh and Galster 2014). Likewise, residential stability is posited to increase cohesion in neighborhoods and the ability to control disorder and crime; research has found that neighborhoods with higher levels of residential stability typically have lower crime rates (Bellair 1997;Hipp 2010;Warner and Pierce 1993), and this has also scaled up to larger geographic units (Beyerlein and Hipp 2005;Hipp 2011a;Hipp, Bauer, Curran, and Bollen 2004).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Cities and the larger context: What explains changing levels of crime?

Hipp

Kane

2017

Journal of Criminal Justice

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This study explores whether the broader context in which a city is located impacts the change in crime levels over the subsequent decade. This study uses a wide range of cities (those with a population of at least 10,000), over a long period of time (from 1970 to 2010). We test and find that although cities with larger population and those surrounded by a county with a larger population typically experience larger increases in crime over the subsequent decade, cities experiencing an increase in population during the current decade experience crime decreases.The study finds that cities with higher average income experience greater subsequent crime decreases, and those surrounded by counties with larger unemployment increases experience crime increases. Higher levels of income inequality and racial/ethnic heterogeneity are associated with increasing crime rates, and increasing inequality and racial/ethnic heterogeneity in the surrounding county are associated with further increases. Furthermore, this relationship has strengthened since 1970, suggesting that both scales of inequality are even more important from a public safety perspective. Finally, we tested the time invariance of these relationships, and showed that the magnitude of the relationship between city-level inequality and increasing crime has increased over the study period.Keywords: cities, crime, longitudinal, inequality, racial/ethnic heterogeneity. Changing crime levels in cities BioJohn R. Hipp is a Professor in the departments of Criminology, Law and Society, and Sociology, at the University of California Irvine. His research interests focus on how neighborhoods change over time, how that change both affects and is affected by neighborhood crime, and the role networks and institutions play in that change. He approaches these questions using quantitative methods as well as social network analysis. He has published substantive work in such journals as an outcome measure -in the form of changes to the built environment, shifting patterns of employment, or the socioeconomic composition of places -and links these to drivers of change including policy, structural economic shifts, or preferences for how we use and travel across urban space. An important characteristic of existing macro-level studies is that they have almost never focused on how the broader metropolitan context in which cities are located might impact changes in crime. That is to say, the focus is often placed either on variation in crime across counties or MSAs, or variation in crime across a set of large cities -in both cases omitting the simultaneous relationship between a city's crime rate and the characteristics of both the city and the region in which it is situated. This suggests a needed area of research given that the larger context of a region, and how it is changing, likely has consequences for the level of crime in cities within that region.In raising the question of the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics and crime rates of cities, and how the larg...

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Neighborhood Disinvestment, Abandonment, and Crime Dynamics

Cited by 101 publications

References 93 publications

Criminal Neighbourhoods: Does the Density of Prior Offenders in an Area Encourage others to Commit Crime?

Criminal Neighbourhoods: Does the Density of Prior Offenders in an Area Encourage others to Commit Crime?

Fast and slow change in neighbourhoods: characterization and consequences in Southern California

Cities and the larger context: What explains changing levels of crime?

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