Neighbourhood Belonging, Social Class and Social Media—Providing Ladders to the Cloud

Abstract

The growth of social media over the past decade has transformed how we have interacted with the World Wide Web. This paper presents data from a research project coproduced with community organisations that had created an online archive through a Facebook site of a deprived neighbourhood in Edinburgh, Scotland. Framing the data from this site in the literature on class, place, stigma and belonging, the paper presents further evidence of the 'we-being' of workingclass residence as opposed to the elective belonging of middle class people, and the stigma towards working-class neighbourhoods from wider society. The paper concludes by highlighting the benefits of social media in producing a natural discussion about neighbourhoods and residence and the importance of creating ladders to the cloud for working-class neighbourhoods.

The experience of living in deprived neighbourhoods for LGBT+ people: Making home in difficult circumstances

“…It is not pretty, but I have lived here now for twelve years and if a white, English lesbian can get accepted in [neighbourhood] then it is really not a bad thing." Yet, the acknowledgement of the everyday deprivations of living in such a neighbourhood did mean some of the positive attitudes were tinged with a selective belonging -recognising a positive affiliation with a neighbourhood, but disaffiliating from the negative aspects (Watt, 2009;Matthews, 2015). Participants spoke of the stigma they experienced from wider society: "a lot of people say to me, you are living in [neighbourhood], that is a dive" (Bob, gay man) and negotiating this when forming new relationships: "There was a time I would say to friends, my god, even if I fancy anybody and by the way I live in [neighbourhood] -that would be a real turnoff" (Andy, gay man).…”

Researching Home’s Tangible and Intangible Materialities by Photo-Elicitation

“…Given our study's reliance on online recruitment, digital photography and telephone interviewing, concerns about technological exclusion should not be dismissed lightly. For instance, Matthews (2015) notes that in 2010 only 35 percent of households with below £10,000 annual income in Scotland had internet access compared to 97 percent of those over £40,000; and that smartphone usage does not compensate internet exclusion on grounds of cost, coverage and technological familiarity. The poorer, older, less educated or disabled people and social tenants are more likely to be excluded from digital access (Bunyan and Collins 2013;Schou and Pors 2019;Watling 2011); rural areas are also unable to catch up with cities (Park, Freeman, and Middleton 2019).…”

“…Despite their education levels and employment status (Table 1), only 16 participants declared they were doing alright or lived comfortably, which highlights the phenomenon of in-work poverty (Hick and Lanau 2017). While our recruitment strategy allowed for broad geographical representation, it did not reach rural households, who are more likely to suffer digital exclusion (Matthews 2015;Park, Freeman, and Middleton 2019).…”

Young People's Place‐Making in a Regional Australian Town

“…). Place reputation, and negotiating stigma also emerge (Matthews ). While much of this literature specifically focuses on ‘rural’ places, discourses used to characterise and construct place have been extended to a range of non‐urban places (see for example regional in Harris and Wyn ).…”

“…Also conceived as a 'rural dull', these places can be seen as backwards, less progressive, more traditional and its people subject to greater social control (Hidle et al 2009). Place reputation, and negotiating stigma also emerge (Matthews 2015). While much of this literature specifically focuses on 'rural' places, discourses used to characterise and construct place have been extended to a range of non-urban places (see for example regional in Harris and Wyn 2009).…”