Neoliberal economic reforms, the rich and the poor in Bangladesh

Nuruzzaman, Mohammed

doi:10.1080/00472330480000291

Cited by 34 publications

(24 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…These problems have been addressed in detail by Nuruzzaman (2017) who analyses data for different periods of time to show that the high proportion of adults who survive on less than 1800 calories a day (25% of the population) has not decreased, and poverty levels in many areas of Bangladesh are increasing. This is attributed to the influence of an international neoliberal economic agenda, which has required that since the early 1980s, in return for international aid from the IMF and other bodies, Bangladesh must maintain a free market economy which ensures a passive workforce that remains perpetually poor.…”

Section: Suicide Prevention In Bangladesh: National Initiativesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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High Rates of Suicide and Violence in the Lives of Girls and Young Women in Bangladesh: Issues for Feminist Intervention

2017

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Deaths by suicide in Bangladesh have an atypical sex ratio, with higher rates in females than in males-a characteristic shared with several countries in Southern Asia. Reasons for this are explored in this paper. An examination of the social structure of Bangladesh suggests that girls and women are subjected to higher rates of sexual and physical violence compared with males, especially in rural and urban slum areas. This violence is often linked to the enforced marriage of young girls to older men. A systematic review of 24 studies on suicide and suicidal behaviors in Bangladesh has shown that suicide death rates are exceptionally high in younger women, at a rate of about 20 per 100,000, more than twice the rate in males aged less than 49. In girls aged 15 to 17, the estimated suicide rate is 14 per 100,000, 50% higher than in males. Because of problems in obtaining systematic data on deaths by suicide, these rates are likely to be underestimates. Extreme poverty and lack of education have been recorded as factors in deaths by suicide, although there are methodological problems in reaching such conclusions. We speculate that some of the "suicides" (especially those using poison) may in fact be cases of murder. A dowry system (not sanctioned by Islam) is thought to be a major cause of family poverty, and violence experienced by young girls. In proposing solutions, we argue the case (as Muslims) for the support of an Islamic feminism which urges better support for girls growing up in extreme poverty.

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Section: Suicide Prevention In Bangladesh: National Initiativesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…More than 70 percent of the population live in rural areas (BBS 2014). Income inequality is high and increasing (Lewis 2011;Matin et al 2014;Nuruzzaman 2017). 31 percent, or around 43 million adults, in the lowest income sector live in extreme poverty, with incomes equivalent to $2 a day, or less.…”

Section: The Cultural Context Of This Review-bangladeshmentioning

confidence: 99%

High Rates of Suicide and Violence in the Lives of Girls and Young Women in Bangladesh: Issues for Feminist Intervention

2017

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“…The parallelism is not surprising when the Philippines is seen as part of the globalized economic order. At the heart of neoliberal prescriptions that favor certain class interests and disadvantage the poor are the very same ideological elements outlined earlier (Naruzzaman, 2004;Nayyar, 1998). This implies that there are elements in practice that transcend national boundaries.…”

Section: Implications For Contemporary Practicementioning

confidence: 93%

Ideological roots of Philippine social welfare

2006

International Social Work

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English Mainstream accounts of Philippine social welfare history trace its roots to welfare initiatives under centuries of colonial rules without pointing out their ideological implications. This article argues that the so-called advances nurtured ideological elements now embedded in contemporary Philippine social welfare and social work that should be critically analysed. French Les récits historiques majoritaires sur le bien-être social aux Philippines en font découvrir les racines dans les initiatives d'aide entreprises pendant les centaines d'années de régime colonial, sans que soient démontrées leurs implications idéologiques. Cet article suggère que les soi-disant progrès ont contribué à nourrir des éléments idéologiques aujourd'hui ancrés dans le bien-être social et les services sociaux des Philippines. L'auteur recommande une analyse critique de cette situation. Spanish Las discusiones dominantes de la historia del estado de beneficencia en las Filipinas trazan sus raíces a las iniciativas de beneficencia bajo dominación colonial, pero lo hacen sin mencionar las implicaciones ideológicas. Este artículo argumenta que las llamadas ventajas fomentan elementos ideológicos que se encuentran incorporados en el estado de beneficencia y trabajo social contemporáneo filipino los cuales deberían ser analizados críticamente.

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“…It is often quite normal that the major political parties safeguard a vested group rather than stand up for the rights of poor people. Since 1975, the major political parties of the country have been working for the neoliberal policy agenda (Nuruzzaman, 2004). Critics say that the motivation to work for this agenda mainly lies in political interest and that without implementing the neoliberal policy agenda prescribed by IFIs the state's power cannot be sustained.…”

Section: Resistance Against the Neoliberal Agenda In The Higher Educamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The state is presumed to create an environment for the market by introducing different laws and institutions necessary for its operation (Olssen & Peters, 2005). Since the 1980s, Bangladesh has adopted such policies in various sectors of the economy, for instance agriculture, industry, and finance and banking (Nuruzzaman, 2004) and, thus, redefined the role of the state in serving its citizens. It was one of the very first countries amongst 35 to receive the Structural Adjustment Facilities and Extended Structural Adjustment Facilities of the International Monetary Fund in 1986and 1989, respectively (Bhattacharya et al, 1999.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Neoliberal Policy in the Higher Education Sector in Bangladesh: Autonomy of Public Universities and the Role of the State

Kabir

2010

Policy Futures in Education

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Since the 1990s, enormous changes have been made in the higher education sector in Bangladesh. The government promulgated the Private University Act in 1992, and formulated a 20-year Strategic Plan for Higher Education: 2006-2026. A critical review shows that the objective of the plan is to connect education with market-driven economic forces. This article argues that such a neoliberal policy in the higher education sector will have far-reaching socio-economic consequences in Bangladesh. With a critical investigation of the SPHE, this article explores how the autonomy of public universities is threatened, and how the role of the state is redefined through withdrawing government grants in the higher education sector. By providing three case studies, this article exposes the marketising nature of higher education in contemporary Bangladesh. This article also argues that the resistance against neoliberalism in higher education is another aspect which is organised by different socio-political groups in the higher education institutions.

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Neoliberal economic reforms, the rich and the poor in Bangladesh

Cited by 34 publications

References 2 publications

High Rates of Suicide and Violence in the Lives of Girls and Young Women in Bangladesh: Issues for Feminist Intervention

High Rates of Suicide and Violence in the Lives of Girls and Young Women in Bangladesh: Issues for Feminist Intervention

Ideological roots of Philippine social welfare

Neoliberal Policy in the Higher Education Sector in Bangladesh: Autonomy of Public Universities and the Role of the State

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