Networked Governance of Freedom and Tyranny: Peace in Timor-Leste

Charlesworth, Hilary; Soares, Aderito de Jesus

doi:10.22459/ngft.03.2012

Cited by 21 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…3. For a discussion on the scope of activities and extent of the clandestine movement's network, see Braithwaite, Charlesworth, and Soares (2012). 4.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Detour in the Local Turn: Roadblocks in Timor-Leste’s Post-Conflict Peacebuilding

Simangan¹

2017

AJP

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Liberal missteps have paved the way for the local turn in post-conflict peacebuilding. However, localized peacebuilding does not always produce peaceful outcomes. Several scholars have previously demonstrated that unresolved tensions from international-local encounters result in a negative hybrid peace in which political and social hierarchies are preserved and conflict and violence persist. To add to existing analyses on the local turn in peacebuilding, this article analyzes some of the causes and consequences of negative hybrid peace using the case of Timor-Leste. Exclusive and superficial local involvement, political cleavages within the local leadership, and unresolved tensions from international-local encounters were roadblocks in Timor-Leste's post-conflict peacebuilding. These characteristics prelude a return to a status quo dominated by the local elite and plagued with governance and socio-economic issues.

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“…3. For a discussion on the scope of activities and extent of the clandestine movement's network, see Braithwaite, Charlesworth, and Soares (2012). 4.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Detour in the Local Turn: Roadblocks in Timor-Leste’s Post-Conflict Peacebuilding

Simangan¹

2017

AJP

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“…In addition, all major political movements in Kosovo failed to hedge with the option of working with the nonviolent resistance to destabilize Milosevic inside Serbia. In East Timor at the same time, Fretilin was assuming a major leadership role in Jakarta in the nonviolent democracy movement to overthrow Indonesia's Suharto (Braithwaite et al 2012). There was only a tiny minority of Kosovo leaders, notably women, who advocated enhanced contacts with the Serbian opposition when hundreds of thousands of Serbs surged onto the streets of Belgrade to challenge Milosevic (Stephan 2006: 74).…”

Section: History Of Late 20th Century Nonviolent Resistancementioning

confidence: 99%

Did Nonviolent Resistance Fail in Kosovo?

Maršavelski

Sheremeti

2017

The British Journal of Criminology

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A standard narrative is that nonviolence failed in Kosovo: the Milosevic regime was ended by a NATO bombing campaign. This essay exposes errors in this narrative. Kosovo's nonviolent resistance successfully unified the masses against the regime with a distinctive innovation of building solidarity by reducing violence. In particular, it reduced murders in blood feuds. Kosovo emerged from war with comparatively low violence for a post-conflict society burdened with organized crime. We contrast Kosovo with societies where more people were killed by criminal violence after peace agreements than in wartime. Reconciling blood feuds as part of Kosovo's nonviolent campaign for freedom contributed to this accomplishment. Nonviolent resistance campaigns can be evaluated through a criminological lens whereby averting war is just one means to reducing death rates from intentional violence.

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“…This sense of justice was also prominent in both the South African and the Timor-Leste Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) when they recommended that large corporations that benefited from apartheid or from the exploitation of Timor should pay some kind of special tax for the benefit of the victims of crimes against humanity. The world's first bilateral Truth Commission, between Indonesia and Timor-Leste, was fairly criticized for its many limitations (Braithwaite et al, 2012). Yet one of the interesting things it prioritized was the concept of institutional as opposed to individual responsibility, particularly of the armed forces and intelligence agencies of Indonesia, and a justice imperative for institutional transformation.…”

Section: Broadening Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

Deeper, broader, longer transitional justice

Nickson

Braithwaite

2013

European Journal of Criminology

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Transitional justice has an expectation management problem. International law imposes a right to justice and an obligation to defeat impunity from crimes against humanity. Yet there has not been a war where a substantial proportion of criminals against humanity have been convicted. Nor is one likely. The theoretical solution considered in this paper is to broaden, deepen, and lengthen our conception of justice so that more survivors might be vindicated by some kind of justice, even if a partial kind of justice. We broaden justice with a more holistic, yet multidimensional conception of what justice means, so that, for example, restorative justice, Islamic justice and indigenous justice can be embraced among many alternatives to impunity. Deepening justice means deeper survivor and citizen opportunities to shape a more responsive justice and to shape remedies through participation. Lengthening justice means giving less priority to speedy trial and closure as transitional justice values. It might mean a permanent Truth and Reconciliation Commission that keeps its doors open to victims decades on.

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Networked Governance of Freedom and Tyranny: Peace in Timor-Leste

Cited by 21 publications

References 29 publications

A Detour in the Local Turn: Roadblocks in Timor-Leste’s Post-Conflict Peacebuilding

A Detour in the Local Turn: Roadblocks in Timor-Leste’s Post-Conflict Peacebuilding

Did Nonviolent Resistance Fail in Kosovo?

Deeper, broader, longer transitional justice

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