New Labour’s citizens: activated, empowered, responsibilized, abandoned?

Clarke, John

doi:10.1177/0261018305057024

Cited by 401 publications

(339 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…Importantly the choices consumers make are based not on individual interests but on 'responsible behaviour' so that what are considered to be 'bad choices', "result from the wilfulness of irresponsible people, rather that the structural distribution of resources, capacities and opportunities" (p.451) [11]. This has significant implications for expectations on patients to be responsible.…”

Section: Responsibility: Knowledge and Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

Chronic condition self-management: Expectations of responsibility

Lawn

McMillan

Pulvirenti

2011

Patient Education and Counseling

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ObjectiveWhile self-management has been shown to be beneficial for many patients it assumes and encourages a particular conception of responsibility and self-management that may not fit with all patients' experience of their chronic conditions and their management. It therefore warrants further examination. MethodsWe examine the concept of self-management and responsibility from a range of standpoints. ResultsAll attempts to meet people's needs run the risk of imposing specific conceptions of how people should live their lives. While self-management appears to be consistent with placing patient needs, values and priorities at the heart of health care, it might be more problematic for some patients. ConclusionsThe context in which patients seek self-management support from health services, and how their needs and preferences are listened to by health professionals, are critical if the collaborative selfmanagement partnership between them is to be effectively realized. Practice ImplicationsProviding services without reflecting on the meaning of self-management for the person with chronic conditions creates unintended assumptions about responsibility, engagement and care provision which may serve to alienate and further stigmatise some patients. Often, these are the very patients with complex needs who need such service support the most.

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Section: Responsibility: Knowledge and Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

Chronic condition self-management: Expectations of responsibility

Lawn

McMillan

Pulvirenti

2011

Patient Education and Counseling

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“…Clarke, 2005;Dwyer, 2000Dwyer, , 2004Lister, 2002;Lund, 1999). For example, in 2002 the entitlement to unemployment benefit -and indeed to a range of other benefits -was made contingent upon the individual attending regular meetings with an adviser at Job Centre Plus (Dwyer, 2004).…”

Section: Welfare Reformmentioning

confidence: 99%

The effortful citizen: Discursive social psychology and welfare reform

Gibson

2009

Community & Applied Soc Psy

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The present study applies a broadly discursive approach to the representation of welfare reform and unemployment through an analysis of the deployment of an interpretative repertoire of effortfulness in posts to an internet discussion forum. It is argued that when posters construct versions of unemployed people or welfare recipients as characterized by ‘laziness’ or lack of ‘effort’ the attribution of responsibility for unemployment is frequently not the only piece of discursive business being attended to. In addition, posters attend to issues of their own accountability and, significantly, the accountability of the government or welfare system itself for the extent to which welfare recipients are formally held to account. It is argued that this approach extends previous social psychological work on the explanation of unemployment insofar as it pays attention to the context‐specific functions performed by such explanations. Moreover, in orienting to the welfare system as having a responsibility to hold welfare recipients to account, posters are drawing on a set of discursive resources which essentially treat the government of individual psychology as a legitimate function of the welfare system. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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“…Schild, 2000;Clarke, 2005;Lister, 2011). Importantly, the 1996 US legislation that ended a decades-old guarantee of (minimal) federal financial assistance to poor households with children, forcing large numbers of women onto the low-wage labour market (Dodson, 2007;Seccombe, 2009), was styled the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act.…”

Section: Emphasis Added)mentioning

confidence: 99%

The double burden of neoliberalism? Noncommunicable disease policies and the global political economy of risk

Glasgow

Schrecker

2016

Health & Place

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Publisher's copyright statement: NOTICE: this is the author's version of a work that was accepted for publication in Health place. Changes resulting from the publishing process, such as peer review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms may not be re ected in this document. Changes may have been made to this work since it was submitted for publication. A de nitive version was subsequently published in Health place, 34, July 2015, 10.1016/j.healthplace.2015.06.005Additional information: Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-pro t purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. AbstractThe growing prevalence of NCDs in low-and middle-income countries (LMICs) is now recognized as one of the major global health policy issues of the early 21 st century. Current official approaches reflect ambivalence about how health policy should approach the social determinants of health identified by the WHO Commission on the topic that released its report in 2008, and in particular the role of macro-scale economic and social processes. Authoritative framing of options for NCD prevention in advance of the September, 2011 UN high-level meeting on NCDs arguably relied on a selective reading of the scientific (including social scientific) evidence, and foregrounded a limited number of risk factors defined in terms of individual behaviour: tobacco use, unhealthy diet, alcohol (ab)use and physical inactivity. The effect was to reproduce at a transnational level the individualization of responsibility for health that characterizes most health promotion initiatives in high-income countries, ignoring both the limited control that many people have over their exposure to these risk factors and the contribution of macro-scale processes like trade liberalization and the marketing activities of transnational corporations to the global burden of NCDs. An alternative perspective focuses on "the inequitable distribution of power, money, and resources" described by the WHO Commission, and the ways in which policies that address those inequities can avoid unintentional incorporation of neoliberal constructions of risk and responsibility.2

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New Labour’s citizens: activated, empowered, responsibilized, abandoned?

Cited by 401 publications

References 15 publications

Chronic condition self-management: Expectations of responsibility

Chronic condition self-management: Expectations of responsibility

The effortful citizen: Discursive social psychology and welfare reform

The double burden of neoliberalism? Noncommunicable disease policies and the global political economy of risk

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