Three monuments in Vancouver, British Columbia, located closely in time and geography and all concerning violence, were created not by one, but rather by three separate groups of advocates. Given that in each case the advocates were drawn from the socially marginalized, it would seem logical that the groups would have had to work together to accomplish something as complex as gaining access to public space with the permanence of monuments. But instead, a close examination of the development and uses of these three monuments reveals the profundity of several mechanisms of social distance. Those noted here include (a) the intransigence of structures of social exclusion, (b) the dispossession caused by the legacy of colonialism, and (c) the nature of trauma. In this essay, I argue that these mechanisms each created specific dynamics that amplified, rather than reduced, barriers between the three groups of advocates. Following an introduction to the Vancouver neighbourhood and each monument, I detail how each mechanism worked to show that what is in sight may nevertheless be out of view.Within 12 city blocks in the Downtown Eastside of Vancouver, Canada, three monuments were erected within a year of each other. In that all three monuments were dedicated nearly concurrently and, given that each is about daily violence (and two about violence against women), it would seem most likely that those who worked to bring these monuments into existence must have cooperated to cope with the intricacies of city planning offices, neighbourhood reception, and coalitions of imagined communities. This becomes even more likely considering who built these monuments-in each case, the advocates were drawn from the socially marginalized, not the socially powerful. It would seem ''strength in numbers'' would have been critical to succeed. But here, what appears logical is entirely wrong. Instead, a close examination of these three monuments reveals the profundity of mechanisms of social distance. In this essay, I argue that these mechanisms work in often counterintuitive ways. Those noted here include (a) the intransigence of structures of social exclusion, (b) the dispossession caused by the legacy of colonialism, and (c) the nature of trauma. Each created specific dynamics that amplified, rather than reduced, barriers between the three groups of advocates and impaired their ability to work on their monuments as part of a linked, unified project. But, before detailing how these mechanisms of social distance