No tense: temporality in the grammar of Paraguayan Guarani

Pancheva, Roumyana; Zubizarreta, María Luisa

doi:10.1007/s10988-023-09387-0

Linguist and Philos

2023

DOI: 10.1007/s10988-023-09387-0

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No tense: temporality in the grammar of Paraguayan Guarani

Roumyana Pancheva

María Luisa Zubizarreta

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2024

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Cited by 2 publications

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“…( Ra'e is not the only element that has a dual function, one of which is focusing the constituent to which it is right-adjacent, and on which it generally leans prosodically. The particle kuri, which Pancheva and Zubizarreta (2023) analyze as a retrospective aspect, also has a focusing function. And so does the particle hína, which gives rise to a continuative meaning when combined with the verb, but which loses its temporal contribution when it combines with other constituents of the clause while retaining its focusing properties.…”

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The Orientation of Evidentials in Attitude Contexts: A Case Study Based on Narratives in Paraguayan Guarani

Pancheva,

Zubizarreta

2024

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This paper examines the orientation of evidentials in complements of attitude verbs, with Paraguayan Guarani evidential ra’e as a case study. It argues that embedded evidentials can be directed either towards the speaker or towards a matrix attitude-holder argument (e.g., the subject of the attitude verb) and that a syntactic representation of the evidence-acquisition event, with its pronominal subject, in the lower end of the CP field, is well-poised to capture this potential ambiguity. Language-particular properties can also play a determining role in the orientation of the embedded evidential, as is the case of the subordinator ha in Paraguayan Guarani. It is argued that this subordinator requires the presence of a Complementizer specified with a (strong) Modal component (which encodes certainty/commitment on the part of the attitude holder with respect to the embedded proposition) and that this property biases the orientation of ra’e towards the matrix attitude-holder argument.

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The Orientation of Evidentials in Attitude Contexts: A Case Study Based on Narratives in Paraguayan Guarani

Pancheva,

Zubizarreta

2024

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Not every finite CP is a phase

Kim

2024

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper proposes that phases are extended projections containing all the projections in the relevant functional sequence, and that extended projections lacking lower projections in the sequence are in turn not phases. The claim is motivated and supported by a detailed investigation of finite ECM in Korean, where embedded subjects are assigned accusative case across finite CP boundaries. I argue that finite ECM occurs in Korean when the embedded clause lacks a T projection in the verbal domain. A typology of clausal complementation emerges, distinguishing defective finite CPs as distinct entities from full CPs in terms of syntactic locality. The proposal also explains the puzzling individual-level restriction in Korean ECM: a GEN operator must occur in the structure to stopgap the semantic effects of missing T, namely to render the embedded finite clause a proposition of type t. The defective CP analysis extends to other languages exhibiting crossclausal finite A-dependency exclusively with defective CPs.

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No tense: temporality in the grammar of Paraguayan Guarani

Cited by 2 publications

References 46 publications

The Orientation of Evidentials in Attitude Contexts: A Case Study Based on Narratives in Paraguayan Guarani

The Orientation of Evidentials in Attitude Contexts: A Case Study Based on Narratives in Paraguayan Guarani

Not every finite CP is a phase

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