Not on the edge

Brandtler, Johan; Hine, David

doi:10.1007/s10828-014-9068-4

Cited by 2 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 16 publications

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“…(27) illustrates that också can occur in NRQs. The element corresponding to either in Swedish, heller, according to Brandtler & Håkansson (2014) is only felicitous in additive fronted negation (i.e. not in the contexts we are considering here).…”

Section: Polarity-sensitive Items In Rejecting Questions: Evidence Fomentioning

confidence: 99%

Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German

Seeliger¹,

Repp

2018

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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To Appear in Dimroth, Christine & Stefan Sudhoff (Eds.): The grammatical realization of polarity.Theoretical and experimental approaches. Amsterdam: Benjamins.This paper investigates a class of biased questions with declarative syntax in Swedish and German that differ in their bias from the familiar class of declarative questions: rejecting questions (RQs), which may occur with or without negation. We provide a semantic-pragmatic analysis of RQs and show for negative RQs that the negation is non-propositional. We analyze the non-propositional negation as the speech-act modifying operator FALSUM (Repp 2009a(Repp , 2013. In both languages, FALSUM interacts with modal particles whose meanings relate to contrast and the epistemic state of the speaker. We propose that the illocutionary operator in RQs is REJECTQ, which is an operator that comes with presuppositions that are the source of the particular bias of RQs.

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Section: Polarity-sensitive Items In Rejecting Questions: Evidence Fomentioning

confidence: 99%

Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German

Seeliger¹,

Repp

2018

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

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Clause-final negative particles in varieties of Swedish

Rosenkvist

2021

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While the Swedish negator inte may be doubled in a final clause-external position, in both standard Swedish and dialects, many dialects also allow a final, clause-internal particle (e, i or ai) in negated clauses. FNPs occur in a coherent area around the Baltic Sea, and in contrast with doubling negation, they are possible both after both inte and aldrig ‘never’. FNPs are also used in questions and exclamations, contexts that disallow doubling negation. These particles may have developed from the former Swedish negator ej or from the common inte. An argument for the former alternative is that other dialectal phenomena that spread from central Sweden during the late Middle Ages have approximately the same geographic distribution. In the final section of the paper, some typological consequences and implications are discussed. Furthermore, it is argued that syntactic studies of non-standard varieties may reveal new insights of typological relevance.

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Not on the edge

Cited by 2 publications

References 16 publications

Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German

Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German

Clause-final negative particles in varieties of Swedish

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