Nuptiality and Age At Marriage in Nineteenth-Century England

Abstract

This paper presents a reworking and extension of Anderson's (1976) analysis of Victorian marriage patterns. It utilises registration district data for England and Wales in 1861 and 1891 together with information on individuals drawn from the census enumerators' books for six case study districts, 1851-1881. The main focus of the analysis is on the role of occupational characteristics, especially those of women, and the ways such characteristics condition the resultant level of nuptiality via age at first marriage and the proportion ever married. The need to supplement ecological multivariate analysis by the use of a 'collective biography' approach is emphasized and illustrated.The first issue of the Journal of Family History contained a paper by Michael Anderson in which he analysed marriage patterns in Britain by applying statistical techniques to registration district data for England and Wales in 1861. Here we intend, first, to offer some comments on Anderson's important contribution; second, to extend the ecological analysis of marriage patterns in nineteenth-century England and Wales by examining changes during the second half of the century; and third, to develop the &dquo;collective biography&dquo; approach using data drawn from a small number of local areas in order to isolate nuptiality variations among individuals. We consider variations in nuptiality, together with the possible causes of these variations, and use each approach in turn.

The Demographic Regime of Western Europe in the Early Modern Period: a Review of Literature

“…Although a full discussion of alternative explanations for this phenomenon is not possible here, recent theories proposed by Goldstone (1986) and Woods and Hinde (1985) stress changes in occupational structure, the relationship between employers and employees, and opportunity structures in industry and agriculture.…”

“…Yet because wages for men were above subsistence, and the potential for female contributions negligible, coal-mining communities were characterized by earlier, more universal marriage (Anderson 1976;Woods and Hinde 1985) The point to be made is that higher fertility in this era of English history in no way separated England from the rest of northwestern Europe in terms of the demographic system itself. Rather, it suggests the continuation of a demographic regime under the influence of extreme shifts in the social milieu.…”

Towns in Victorian England and Wales: a new classification

“…The differences reflected the economic structure of the towns. 63 It is noticeable that all the factors where the proportions of men never married were higher than the proportion of women never-married also had higher than average sex ratios, suggesting these places were attracting young men but not young women -something reflected in their generally low rates of female labour force participation. The converse is seen in factor 1, where the proportion of women never-married was particularly high, the sex ratio was low and female labour force participation was high, suggesting that 26 Urban History economic opportunities for women in towns characterized by farming, building, transport, the professions and service were such that they could support a large single female population; indeed, that such locations were attractive to female migrants, unlike towns characterized by mining or heavy manufacturing where employment opportunities were thin on the ground.…”

Cottage industry, migration, and marriage in nineteenth‐century England

“…Im takes no account of the proportion of women married in each age group; Im* eliminates the influence of age structure. See also Woods and Hinde, ‘Nuptiality’, p. 121.…”