Obama, Katrina, and the Persistence of Racial Inequality

Margo, Robert A.

doi:10.1017/s0022050716000590

Cited by 60 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 110 publications

(153 reference statements)

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“… Margo (, footnote 16), however, has noted that my 0.8 autoregressive coefficient for a accords well with his evidence on the intergenerational convergence between African‐American and White incomes in the US. …”

supporting

confidence: 64%

What Do We Know So Far about Multigenerational Mobility?

Solon

2018

The Economic Journal

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Any opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and not those of IZA. Research published in this series may include views on policy, but IZA takes no institutional policy positions. The IZA research network is committed to the IZA Guiding Principles of Research Integrity. The IZA Institute of Labor Economics is an independent economic research institute that conducts research in labor economics and offers evidence-based policy advice on labor market issues. Supported by the Deutsche Post Foundation, IZA runs the world's largest network of economists, whose research aims to provide answers to the global labor market challenges of our time. Our key objective is to build bridges between academic research, policymakers and society. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. Terms of use: Documents inSchaumburg-Lippe-Straße 5-9 53113 Bonn, Germany

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supporting

confidence: 64%

What Do We Know So Far about Multigenerational Mobility?

Solon

2018

The Economic Journal

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“…In the absence of differences in intergenerational mobility by race, racial disparities in income would dissipate relatively rapidly across generations given observed levels of mobility and vanish entirely in steady-state. Hence, an intergenerational model with constant relative and absolute mobility is clearly inconsistent with the persistence of income disparities by race throughout America's history (Myrdal 1944;Duncan 1968;Margo 2016).…”

Section: Conceptual Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Differences in economic outcomes by race have persisted for centuries in the United States and continue up to the present day (Myrdal 1944;Duncan 1968;Margo 2016). For example, in 2016, the median household income of black Americans was $39,500, compared with $65,000 for non-Hispanic white Americans (U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census 2017).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race and Economic Opportunity in the United States: An Intergenerational Perspective

Chetty¹,

Hendren²,

Jones³

et al. 2018

264

263

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We study the sources of racial disparities in income using anonymized longitudinal data covering nearly the entire U.S. population from 1989-2015. We document three results. First, black Americans and American Indians have much lower rates of upward mobility and higher rates of downward mobility than whites, leading to persistent disparities across generations. Conditional on parent income, the black-white income gap is driven by differences in wages and employment rates between black and white men; there are no such differences between black and white women. Hispanic Americans have rates of intergenerational mobility more similar to whites than blacks, leading the Hispanic-white income gap to shrink across generations. Second, differences in parental marital status, education, and wealth explain little of the black-white income gap conditional on parent income. Third, the black-white gap persists even among boys who grow up in the same neighborhood. Controlling for parental income, black boys have lower incomes in adulthood than white boys in 99% of Census tracts. The few areas with small black-white gaps tend to be low-poverty neighborhoods with low levels of racial bias among whites and high rates of father presence among blacks. Black males who move to such neighborhoods earlier in childhood have significantly better outcomes. However, fewer than 5% of black children grow up in such areas. Our findings suggest that reducing the black-white income gap will require efforts whose impacts cross neighborhood and class lines and increase upward mobility specifically for black men.

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“…Heterogeneity in intergenerational income elasticities is believed to exist for many reasons. For instance, researchers have concluded that intergenerational income elasticities are larger for blacks than whites (Duncan 1968, Margo 2016 and that patterns of mobility are substantially different for farmers compared to non-farmers (Hout andGuest 2013, Xie andKillewald 2013). If one group is over-represented in the linked data, this will bias inferences about the historical rate of the population's intergenerational mobility.…”

Section: A How Type I Errors Affect Inferencesmentioning

confidence: 99%