Object movement symmetries in British English dialects: Experimental evidence for a mixed case/locality approach

Haddican, William; Holmberg, Anders

doi:10.1007/s10828-012-9051-x

Cited by 18 publications

(38 citation statements)

References 39 publications

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“…Furthermore, all varieties of English permit passivisation of the recipient argument (49a), but there is variation in how acceptable passivisation of the theme argument is (49b) (Haddican 2010;Haddican & Holmberg 2012;Biggs 2014;Holmberg et al 2015).…”

Section: The V-domainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unifying the that-trace and anti-that-trace effects

Douglas

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This article proposes a unified analysis of the that-trace and anti-that-trace effects in English. Unification of these two seemingly diametrically opposed effects remains an outstanding problem. It is argued that complement and relative clauses in English exhibit systematic variation in terms of how articulated their C-domains are. This, combined with Spec-to-Spec Anti-Locality, leads to a novel analysis of the anti-that-trace and that-trace effects. The analysis has interesting theoretical implications for phase theory and the mechanics of successive cyclicity, particularly concerning the position of the phase escape hatch, which is claimed to be the specifier of the complement of the phase head, and not the specifier of the phase head as in standard phase theory.

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Section: The V-domainmentioning

confidence: 99%

Unifying the that-trace and anti-that-trace effects

Douglas

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…This is not the case in all varieties of British English, however (see Siewierska and Hollman 2007, Haddican 2010, Haddican and Holmberg 2012, Myler 2013, Biggs 2016). In some North-West varieties, both Theme passives and Recipient whquestions are possible.…”

Section: Norwegian and Nw Englishmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In typically symmetrical languages, either object is available for promotion to subject in a passive (see Baker 1988, Bresnan and Moshi 1990, McGinnis 1998, Woolford 1993, Haddican and Holmberg 2012, Anagnostopoulou 2003. Thus, in Norwegian, either the Recipient or the Theme can be passivized (and the same holds for Swedish, some…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Movement from the Double Object Construction Is Not Fully Symmetrical

2019

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A movement asymmetry arises in some languages that are otherwise symmetrical for both A-and A-bar movement in the double object construction (DOC), including Norwegian, North-West British English, and a range of Bantu languages including Zulu and Lubukusu: a Theme object can be A-bar-moved out of a Recipient (Goal) passive, but not vice versa. Our explanation of this asymmetry is based on phase theory, more specifically a stricter version of the Phase Interpretability Condition proposed by Chomsky (2001). The effect is that, in a Theme passive, a Recipient object destined for the C-domain gets trapped within the lower V-related phase by movement of the Theme. The same effect is observed in Italian, a language in which only Theme passives are possible. Moreover, a similar effect is also found in some Bantu languages in connection with object marking/agreement: object agreement with the Theme in a Recipient passive is possible, but not vice versa. We show that this, too, can be understood within the theory that we articulate.

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“…Importantly, OS in Scandinavian languages is restricted to contexts where the verb raises out of the VP as well-a restriction known as Holmberg's Generalization (Holmberg, 1986). 12 (Haddican & Holmberg, 2012) Anagnostopoulou proposed that this cross-linguistic correlation in the availability of theme-goal orders in passives and OS has an abstract source: the same short theme movement responsible for theme-goal orders in OS constructions in Norwegian feeds passivization, as shown in (15). In Danish, where this short theme movement is not available, theme passivization is blocked by the intervening goal.…”

Section: Shape Conservation Effects In Norwegianmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…was given (to) Jens.' (Adapted fromHaddican & Holmberg (2012)) In this respect, Norwegian differs from Danish-an "asymmetric passive" languagewhere only goal arguments may passivize in double object constructions:…”

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confidence: 99%

Constant effects and the independence of variants in controlled judgment data*

Haddican¹,

Johnson²,

Hilton³

2016

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This article proposes that Kroch’s (1989) Constant Rate Hypothesis – the generalization that contextual effects tend to be stable in processes of diachronic variation in production data – be extended to synchronic variation in controlled judgment data. Two recent, large-sample judgment experiments are discussed suggesting that shared contextual effects across speakers in acceptability judgments can be used to infer a single abstract source for patterns of variation across superficially different contexts. At the same time, the results suggest that not all sets of variants – or “ways of saying the same thing” (Labov 1972: 271) – are linguistic variables of this formally defined type.

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Object movement symmetries in British English dialects: Experimental evidence for a mixed case/locality approach

Abstract: Always use the definitive version when citing.

Cited by 18 publications

References 39 publications

Unifying the <i>that</i>-trace and anti-<i>that</i>-trace effects

Unifying the <i>that</i>-trace and anti-<i>that</i>-trace effects

Movement from the Double Object Construction Is Not Fully Symmetrical

Constant effects and the independence of variants in controlled judgment data*

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