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The field of development communication is dominated by two conceptual models: diffusion and participation. These models have distinct theoretical roots and differing emphases in terms of program designs and goals. This article examines the extent of the gap and the overlap between them by comparing the objectives and outcomes of 44 projects. The two approaches differ in the underlying philosophies, frameworks, program strategies, and measurement tools, but the gap between these approaches is being bridged by proponents of both models, who knowingly or unknowingly have borrowed elements from one another.Communication is a key component of many overseas aid programs. Efforts to improve living conditions in the world's poorer areas through social service and infrastructure development are often accompanied by communication campaigns aimed at the general population. Such development communication has been defined as "the strategic application of communication technologies and processes to promote social change" (Wilkins, 2000, p. 197). The field of development communication is dominated by two conceptual models: diffusion and participation. These models have distinct theoretical roots and differing emphases in terms of program designs and goals. This article compares the objectives and outcomes of projects based on these models. It takes an inductive approach to constructing a basis for theorizing about development communication by examining published studies and working papers that report on specific interventions-commonly termed campaigns or programs. 1 Development projects have many goals, including educational, environmental, and economic improvement. This article focuses on interventions concerning health, particularly infant health, HIV/AIDS, family planning, and general health promotion. It favors studies published in the last decade, and interventions carried out in what has come to be called the developing world-Africa, Latin America, and the less industrialized countries of Asia. Also included are several campaigns that applied participatory principles in indigenous or isolated populations in developed countries.
The field of development communication is dominated by two conceptual models: diffusion and participation. These models have distinct theoretical roots and differing emphases in terms of program designs and goals. This article examines the extent of the gap and the overlap between them by comparing the objectives and outcomes of 44 projects. The two approaches differ in the underlying philosophies, frameworks, program strategies, and measurement tools, but the gap between these approaches is being bridged by proponents of both models, who knowingly or unknowingly have borrowed elements from one another.Communication is a key component of many overseas aid programs. Efforts to improve living conditions in the world's poorer areas through social service and infrastructure development are often accompanied by communication campaigns aimed at the general population. Such development communication has been defined as "the strategic application of communication technologies and processes to promote social change" (Wilkins, 2000, p. 197). The field of development communication is dominated by two conceptual models: diffusion and participation. These models have distinct theoretical roots and differing emphases in terms of program designs and goals. This article compares the objectives and outcomes of projects based on these models. It takes an inductive approach to constructing a basis for theorizing about development communication by examining published studies and working papers that report on specific interventions-commonly termed campaigns or programs. 1 Development projects have many goals, including educational, environmental, and economic improvement. This article focuses on interventions concerning health, particularly infant health, HIV/AIDS, family planning, and general health promotion. It favors studies published in the last decade, and interventions carried out in what has come to be called the developing world-Africa, Latin America, and the less industrialized countries of Asia. Also included are several campaigns that applied participatory principles in indigenous or isolated populations in developed countries.
Despite significant debate about the efficacy, ideology, and ethics of the method, condom social marketing (CSM) has become the dominant approach to AIDS education in many sub-Saharan African countries. However, critics have charged that social marketing (SM) distracts from the structural determinants of health-related behavior and excludes genuine community participation. This article argues that the diffusion of SM techniques in Africa is not driven by demonstrated efficacy but is attributable to the promotion of privatization and free markets in the structural adjustment era across the region. The CSM experience in a central Mozambican community reveals the dangers of using the method at the expense of community dialogue and participation to confront the AIDS epidemic. The advertising campaign developed to sell condoms has clashed with Pentecostal and Independent Churches, now a majority of the population, that have expanded rapidly across the region spreading a contrasting message about sexuality and risky behavior.
In this article, I examine the ways in which health activists from Afro-Brazilian religions deploy ethnic identity politics within the Brazilian public health arena to gain recognition and respect for their beliefs and practices, as well as public health goods for their communities. I also discuss the creation and enactment of “culturally competent” healthcare initiatives for members of Afro-Brazilian religions. Finally, I examine the tension between universal particular identity frames that emerges within the political discourses of health activists from Afro-Brazilian religions. Throughout, I place this case study in dialogue with similar scholarship on minority health politics and cultural competence initiatives in other parts of the world.
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