Off the Cuff Politics—Explaining Russia's Lack of a Ukraine Strategy

Bukkvoll, Tor

doi:10.1080/09668130120093165

Cited by 17 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…Conversely, states can also be guided by their ideal self based on inertia rather than intentional effort. For example, Russia's actions in the post-Soviet space during the early 1990s, such as support for separatist movements in the newly independent countries or its lacklustre commitment for regional initiatives, did not seem to be informed by an overarching strategy (Bukkvoll 2001).…”

Section: Perceptions Of the Self (Ideal Self) In World Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Nitoiu

2018

Europe-Asia Studies

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During the last two decades, one of the cornerstones of the foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood. The 2003 Security Strategy and the recent 2016Global Strategy highlighted the need to show that the EU can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. In this context, the aim of the essay is to explore the way the EU's 'ideal self' is constructed and perceived in the post-Soviet space. DURING THE LAST TWO DECADES, ONE OF THE CORNERSTONES OF THE foreign policy of the European Union (EU) has been represented by the development of a strong presence in its neighbourhood (Raik & Dinesen 2015). The 2003 Security Strategy 1 and the recent 2016 Global Strategy 2 highlighted the need to show that the European Union can play a major role in the international arena by first establishing a strong presence in the 1 The 2003 Security Strategy highlighted the EU's ambition to play a key role in world politics, and the expectation that it would manage to influence its neighbourhood following the 2004/2007 'big bang' enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/europeansecurity-strategy-secure-europe-better-world 2 The 2016 Global Strategy stresses the fact that world politics has become less stable than a decade ago and require a different approach from the EU. The emphasis is on the need to develop an approach based on principled pragmatism, where the EU has more limited ambitions in international relations and seeks to pursue its interests in foreign policy. For more details see: https://europa.eu/globalstrategy/en/global-strategy-foreignand-security-policy-european-union 2 neighbourhood and proving the union's effectiveness in the region. This broad aim has been translated in various initiatives towards the neighbourhood such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) 3 , the Easter Partnership (EaP) 4 , and the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) 5 . As part of the European neighbourhood, the post-Soviet space has thus received significant attention from the EU, who aimed to shape both the domestic and foreign policies of the countries in the region. However, the EU's track record of shaping developments in the post-Soviet space has been at best mixed (Ademmer 2014), given the reluctance of some post-Soviet states to go beyond rhetoric in adapting their policies as well as EU member states' unwillingness and lack of commitment to fully support the union's approach to the region (Nilsson & Silander 2016). EU ouvertures have also been received with scepticism by some post-Soviet states, which tend to see EU policy towards the region as deeply unilateral, asymmetrical, and without regard for the specificities or needs of each country (Delcour 2010). Most of the findings from the open literature refer to the EU's ability to promote its integration project in the post-Soviet states, that is, the ...

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Section: Perceptions Of the Self (Ideal Self) In World Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Nitoiu

2018

Europe-Asia Studies

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“…The concepts and insights developed by Hirschman (1980) provide a useful starting point for conceptualising Ukraine's relations with Russia. From the very first days of its independence in 1991, these relations were dominated by a predicament: how to consolidate its independence in the context of an extensive economic dependence on Russia, which regarded Ukraine's independence as an aberration (Lester 1994;Kozakiewicz 1999;Bukkvoll 2001). On the one hand, upholding Ukraine's sovereignty was a key concern for Ukraine's elites, given that it was precarious and challenged (Wolczuk 2003, p. 28).…”

Section: Conceptualising Ukraine's Relations With Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Between Dependence and Integration: Ukraine’s Relations With Russia

Dragneva¹,

Wolczuk²

2016

Europe-Asia Studies

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Ukraine's policy towards Russia since independence in 1991 has been characterised by a predicament: how to preserve its statehood in the context of its heavy economic dependence on Russia, which was intent on Ukraine's participation in Russian-led integration projects. In this essay we argue that only by understanding the complexities and seeming contradictions in Ukraine's positioning vis-à-vis Russia can a full understanding of Ukraine's commitment to Russia's integration projects be attained. This essay systematically examines Ukraine's responses to Russia's initiatives and illuminates the strategy of the Ukrainian elites to extract economic benefits while minimising commitments. THE SO-CALLED 'UKRAINE CRISIS' BROUGHT INTO SHARP FOCUS the relationship between Ukraine and Russia. Despite, or rather because of, their historical closeness, relations between the two states have been intermittently acrimonious ever since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The relations were extensively studied during a 'golden era' of academic research on Ukraine's foreign policy in the 1990s and early 2000s, when scholars explored fast moving and intricate developments as Russia and Ukraine sought a modus vivendi

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“…Under his leadership, the Duma has been outspoken whenever the Russian government was perceived as recognising Ukrainian sovereignty over Crimea (namely during negotiations of the 1997 Russian-Ukrainian Friendship and Cooperation Treaty and during negotiations for the renewal of the Black Sea Fleet leasing, in 2010), or even when the Ukrainian government adopted measures which were perceived as limiting the rights of local ethnic Russians. 40 Zatulin sought to shape the Russian agenda towards Ukraine, supporting a view of a non-allied Ukraine, integrated into a common economic space with Russia, eventually federalised, and having Russian constitutionally recognised as a second language. 41 Similarly, the Moscow mayor -and one time presidential hopeful -Yurii Luzhkov has, since the mid-1990s, been an active supporter of nationalist issues, and Crimea has been a flagship issue in his political activities.…”

Section: From Lack Of Strategy To Limited Intervention: Russia-ukrainmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…41 Similarly, the Moscow mayor -and one time presidential hopeful -Yurii Luzhkov has, since the mid-1990s, been an active supporter of nationalist issues, and Crimea has been a flagship issue in his political activities. 42 Both Luzhkov and Zatulin have acted as policy entrepreneurs, providing support for local pro-Russian initiatives and keeping the nationalist issue of the ethnic Russians in Crimea on the Russian government agenda.…”

Section: From Lack Of Strategy To Limited Intervention: Russia-ukrainmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Ukrainian conflict in Russian foreign policy: Rethinking the interconnections between domestic and foreign policy strategies

Simão

2016

Small Wars & Insurgencies

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Off the Cuff Politics—Explaining Russia's Lack of a Ukraine Strategy

Cited by 17 publications

References 3 publications

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

The European Union’s ‘Ideal Self’ in the Post-Soviet Space

Between Dependence and Integration: Ukraine’s Relations With Russia

The Ukrainian conflict in Russian foreign policy: Rethinking the interconnections between domestic and foreign policy strategies

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