Official-English and the States: Influences on Declaring English the Official Language in the United States

Schildkraut, Deborah J.

doi:10.1177/106591290105400211

Cited by 81 publications

(76 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…If they have not naturalized, they are formally excluded from the constituency that gives its consent to be governed, but they are bound by decisions that voters and elected officials make, and their very presence can affect the routes by which policies are enacted (Schildkraut 2001;Preuhs 2005). Theoretical approaches to representative democracy often contend that all competent adults affected by a government's policies should be considered in policymaking (see, for example, Walzer 1983;Goodin 1988;Dahl 1991;Dovi 2009).…”

Section: Why Study Immigrant Attitudes About Representation?mentioning

confidence: 98%

The complicated constituency: a study of immigrant opinions about political representation

Schildkraut

2013

Politics, Groups and Identities

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Non-naturalized immigrants cannot vote in the United States, but they are included in apportionment and elected officials craft policies that affect them. Representatives are thus, according to many scholars, obligated to represent their needs and interests. The question this study investigates is how immigrants feel about representative democracy in the United States.To what extent is their perspective on American-style representation shaped by their status as immigrants or ethnic minorities? Or are their assessments and the reasons for them similar to those of whites and citizens (i.e. that "special interests" dominate politics)? This study examines these questions through focus group discussions with Latino immigrants and with non-Hispanic native-born whites. Results highlight similarities in attitudes about representation among both groups but also areas in which immigrants are more pessimistic and even optimistic. Results also show that immigration is central to the participants' social identity when they assess political representation. Their identity as immigrants was routinely invoked, while their identities as Latinos, Salvadorans, Peruvians, or as Spanish speakers was not.

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Section: Why Study Immigrant Attitudes About Representation?mentioning

confidence: 98%

The complicated constituency: a study of immigrant opinions about political representation

Schildkraut

2013

Politics, Groups and Identities

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“…Are the results sensitive to analyst choices or are they relatively robust across a range of decisions? A substantial literature has worked to make sense of state-level policy in this area, and scholars differ in how they measure state immigrant policy activity (Boushey & Luedtke, 2011;Filindra, 2013;Hero & Preuhs, 2007;Marquez & Schraufnagel, 2013;Monogan, 2013a;Nicholson-Crotty & Nicholson-Crotty, 2011;Pham & Van, 2014;Reich & Barth, 2012;Rivera, 2014;Schildkraut, 2001;Ybarra, Sanchez, & Sanchez, 2016). Some studies aggregate over time to analyze cross-sectional variance only, others split welcoming and hostile laws to be considered separately, some use panel data to consider the overtime patterns, and finally some subdivide laws by policy subarea.…”

Section: Measurement Theory and Scaling Immigrant Policymentioning

confidence: 99%

Studying Immigrant Policy One Law at a Time

Monogan¹

2019

Policy Studies Journal

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This article shows that, in the study of immigrant integration policy in the U.S. states, it is critical to report data and coding decisions for individual laws. This analysis uses an updated and public database of law‐level decisions, which includes 2,703 legislative actions recorded by the National Conference of State Legislatures from 2005 to 2016. These data are used to estimate models of aggregate state policy activity in a variety of ways: as a single continuum of policy balance versus separate models of welcoming and hostile, lumping all policy subareas together versus analyzing a specific subarea, and lumping all years together in one cross section versus panel analysis. The results in these models differ enough to indicate that reporting codes for individual‐level laws is absolutely essential so that each researcher easily can construct the measure that fits his or her theoretical framework best.

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“…Both Gamble (1997) and Haider-Markel et al (2007) explain that popular votes lack the negotiations inherent to a legislative process and thus are more likely to lead to an unfiltered majority ruling without taking minority interests into account. Their studies indicate that referendums in the United States have indeed produced 'tyrannical outcomes' (Gamble, 1997); elected representatives, on the other hand, tend to decide more minority-friendly (see also Schildkraut, 2001;Preuhs, 2005). Recent studies from Switzerland support these results.…”

Section: Direct Democracy and Civil Rights In California And Switzerlandmentioning

confidence: 63%

Anti-minority votes and judicial review

Christmann

2013

Acta Polit

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The question of whether popular votes on minority rights are compatible with a liberal democracy has been broadly debated, with judicial review of popular initiatives having been discussed as a necessary veto point (Eule, Miller). As an institutional change should generally be congruent with voters' preferences, this article asks who supports the restriction of direct democracy by judicial review and how this is related to voting behavior concerning anti-civil-rights initiatives. Two recent anti-minority votes in California and Switzerland provide examples in terms of voters' attitudes towards judicial review of direct democracy. Cross-tables and logistic regressions of survey data show that a surprisingly broad majority of voters support judicial review of popular initiatives in both cases. Nevertheless, judicial review is not entirely uncontroversial. In Switzerland, opposition to judicial review can even predict anti-minority votes, and for specific judicial decisions, Californians also tend to blame judges for restricting the people's sovereignty.

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Official-English and the States: Influences on Declaring English the Official Language in the United States

Cited by 81 publications

References 6 publications

The complicated constituency: a study of immigrant opinions about political representation

The complicated constituency: a study of immigrant opinions about political representation

Studying Immigrant Policy One Law at a Time

Anti-minority votes and judicial review

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