Oil Scarcity Ideology in US Foreign Policy, 1908–97

Stern, Roger

doi:10.1080/09636412.2016.1171967

Cited by 20 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…An accurate understanding of the development of US interests in Saudi Arabia must retrace the causal sequence from CASOC channeling information to otherwise ill-informed policymakers, who then acted upon said information. This finding supports Stern’s (2016) hypothesis that misperceptions in energy security can be reduced through information-sharing between policymakers and oil-market participants. It also suggests helps explain why states that develop close ties to the oil-industry are more responsive to newly exposed oil reserves, like why Russia, China, and Norway have been more aggressive about securing oil reserves in the Arctic and South China Sea than the United States (Markowitz, 2020).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 82%

“…Policymakers who spent years navigating bureaucratic circles and appealing to constituencies typically lack this expertise, nor do they have sufficient time to gain it when they need it. For instance, Stern (2016) finds policymakers lack the scientific background required to gauge the size of oil reserves, which is why they routinely underestimate the volume of oil left underground and overestimate oil scarcity. This produces an information asymmetry between individuals in IOCs who have already invested in this knowledge expertise and policymakers who have not.…”

Section: Energy Security In Theory and Practicementioning

confidence: 99%

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Discovering the prize: information, lobbying, and the origins of US–Saudi security relations

Evers

2022

European Journal of International Relations

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How do policymakers discover their energy security interests abroad? Conventional wisdom assumes states have an inherent interest in securing an affordable and steady supply of oil. In this paper, I show that policymakers often fail to realize such vital interests on their own. Instead, multinational actors like international oil corporations (IOCs) educate policymakers on their state’s security interests abroad. By integrating prior scholarship on corporate power with insights on lobbying in American politics, I theorize that multinational corporations like IOCs can influence security policy when two conditions are met: first, policymakers demand information on security policy because of issue complexities, bureaucratic inefficiencies, and structural holes in the international system; and second, these corporations possess social ties that grant them the access, trust, and legitimacy to supply those policymakers with information. In the context of energy security, IOCs provide information on foreign sources of oil, threats posed to access, and anticipatory strategies for protecting access. I apply the theory to the origins of U.S. lend-lease aid to Saudi Arabia in 1943. Through sequential analysis, process-tracing, and comparative counterfactual reasoning, I argue an American IOC hastened U.S. interests in securing Saudi oil by using its ties to lobby the Roosevelt Administration at a time when the Administration lacked information on the country. The theory and findings broaden the state-centric view of energy security, contribute new evidence to historiography on US–Saudi relations, and fill an important gap in our understanding of corporate lobbying in security policy.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 82%

Section: Energy Security In Theory and Practicementioning

confidence: 99%

Discovering the prize: information, lobbying, and the origins of US–Saudi security relations

Evers

2022

European Journal of International Relations

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“…/ Norteamerica publishes Ahead-of-Print (AOP) versions of all manuscripts that have undergone a rigorous double-blind peer-review and been approved for publication by the Editorial Board in order to provide broader and earlier access to them. (Bromley, 2006;Porter, 2001), opuesto al europeo, que considera la energía un bien público dirigido por el Estado (Painter, 2014;Stern, 2013).…”

Section: A) Riqueza Petrolera Economía Y Geopolítica (Inicios Siglo mentioning

confidence: 99%

Seguridad energética en México, Estados Unidos y Canadá de 1980 al 2016. Centralidad del petróleo y la incorporación de temas ambientales

Peña

Mutis

2020

Norteamérica

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El embargo petrolero de la OPEP de octubre 1973, originó la concepción de Seguridad Energética (SE), enfocada en garantizar la oferta económica de combustibles. Paulatinamente incluyó temas ambientales, de gobernanza y equidad e incrementó la complejidad del concepto, las políticas y los métodos de medición. Con un enfoque de economía política, este ensayo escruta esta trayectoria, selecciona las variables para construir tres índices de SE relacionados e independientes: Seguridad Petrolera (ISP), Diversidad Energética (ÍDE) y Transición Energética (ÍTE) y los aplica para el período 1980-2016, a Canadá, Estados Unidos y México, países con históricos vínculos sociales y económicos, incluida la energía. Los resultados señalan la centralidad del petróleo en la SE y las bondades de construir índices independientes para cada país y contexto considerados.

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“…This is mainly derived from the “natural resource conflict” theory (see e.g. Klare, ; Le Billon, ; Stern, ). For example, Gylfason and Zoega () argue that “increased dependence on natural resources and natural resource scarcity tend to go along with less rapid economic growth and greater inequality in the distribution of income across countries”.…”

Section: Empiricsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Social Inclusion and Inequality Nexus: EU versus non‐EU migrants

Wang

Naveed

2019

International Migration

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This study examines the relationship between social inclusions of migrant and income inequality. Both positive and negative impacts of social inclusion on income inequality have been observed in the previous literature. This study specifically considers two types of migration flow: migration flow from EU and migration flow from non‐EU. The aim of this article is twofold: 1) is there a strong association between social inclusion of migrants and income inequality, 2) is there any different impact of social inclusion of two types of migrants (EU vs non‐EU)? Using data from 33 mainly European countries over the period 2003‐2015 and controlling for savings rate, arable land rate and age‐dependency ratio, our results indicate that there is a significant negative relationship between social inclusion and income inequality. In particular, we find that social inclusion from non‐EU migrants significantly reduces income inequality compare with EU migrants.

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Oil Scarcity Ideology in US Foreign Policy, 1908–97

Cited by 20 publications

References 0 publications

Discovering the prize: information, lobbying, and the origins of US–Saudi security relations

Discovering the prize: information, lobbying, and the origins of US–Saudi security relations

Seguridad energética en México, Estados Unidos y Canadá de 1980 al 2016. Centralidad del petróleo y la incorporación de temas ambientales

The Social Inclusion and Inequality Nexus: EU versus non‐EU migrants

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